Septembre 2022 : Victoire significative du peuple haitien!!! #tracktheoligarchs

Septembre 2022 : Victoire du peuple haitien!!! #tracktheoligarchs

Résultat de son combat pour la démocratie et de sa position de « refus collectif » face à l’assassinat du président Jovenel Moise, cette semaine, toutes les instances internationales reconnaissent qu’il existe en #Haiti une élite et des oligarques qui déstabilisent le pays.

En jeu d’échec, on appelle cela « un coup forcé »; car, il n’est un secret pour personne que lesdits oligarques et élites corrompus sont de fidèles collaborateurs de la communauté internationale.

S’ils prospèrent en Haïti, c’est grâce à la bénédiction de la communauté internationale. D’ailleurs, toutes les ressources pillées par ces élites et oligarques corrompus sont bien gardées dans les banques et les grandes villes du Canada, des États-Unis, de la France et de l’Europe en général.

La mobilisation a produit l’effet positif de provoquer une prise de distance de la communauté internationale par rapport à ses chiens de garde. La mobilisation contre la cherté de la vie et le carburant annonce un soulèvement général qui oblige les interlocuteurs des oligarques et élites à couper les liens avec eux. Du moins, à les dénoncer publiquement.

Donc, après qu’un Conseiller à la Maison Blanche a accusé les oligarques haïtiens d’être à la base de la violence en Haiti, le Secrétaire Général de l’ONU et le Premier ministre du Canada, Justin Trudeau, confirme cette lecture de la situation en Haiti. Ils doivent passer aux actes en appliquant des sanctions contre ces oligarques.

On peut dire que la pression populaire a aiguisé les contradictions entre les oligarques et leur créature Ariel Henry. 

C’est une grande victoire qu’il faudra célébrer un jour. La propagande des journalistes-transactionnels de Port-au-Prince n’a pas réussi à étouffer cette vérité.

Un grand merci à l’infatigable Stanley Lucas, défenseur de la vérité. Aujourd’hui, le peuple haïtien et les instances internationales ont pris conscience de la responsabilité de ces monstres déguisés en Hommes d’Affaires. 

En Haïti comme au niveau international, on leur a assigné leur vrai nom : des « oligarques corrompus », « l’élite la plus répugnante. »

Désigner le mal par son vrai nom, est indispensable dans une campagne de libération.

Nous avons mis à nu leur manœuvre. 

Pourtant tout est écrit dans le livre « Zombi File » de Max Kail, un ancien agent spécial de l’ONU en Haïti. Mais, il a fallu travailler cette vérité, malgré les obstructions et collusions des journalistes-transactionnels, pour qu’elle arrive à prendre sa forme actuelle dans toutes les instances internationales.

Le Roi est nu! Le peuple attend justice et réparation contre ces oligarques et élites corrompus. Il faudra profiter de ce consensus international pour récupérer les fonds volés par ces oligarques et élites corrompus. Une enquête sur la traçabilité des fonds alloués à Haïti, sur les surfacturations et les contrats acquis par corruption est nécessaire.

S’agit-il d’un signe avant coureur de l’accusation formelle des membres de ces élites et oligarques dans l’assassinat du président @MoiseJovenel?

Viktwa pou pèp Aysyen !

https://twitter.com/reseaucitadelle/status/1573505218871967744?s=20&t=L8KGHI3jhmSyKJ-KXdateQ

Cyrus Sibert, Cap-Haitien, Haiti
23 Septembre 2022
#LeReCit @ReseauCitadelle
WhatsApp : +509-3686-9669
reseaucitadelle@yahoo.fr

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#Haïti connaîtra la stabilité et la paix sociale quand les élites cesseront de mépriser les masses populaires.-

 (vidéo : cris de la misère du peuple, ignoré par les élites.)

Quand les oligarques accaparent tout, la redistribution se fait par le #dechoukaj. C’ triste! #LeReCit

Une triste réalité d’anarchie que les élites devraient éviter.

Même quand nous condamnons la violence et répugnons l’anarchie qui engendre la pauvreté et fait fuir les investisseurs, nous devons reconnaître que la situation actuelle de pillage en Haïti est le résultat de la politique de "mépris social” pratiquée par des oligarques contre la majorité nationale.

Car, depuis trop longtemps les oligarques et les élites alimentent l’instabilité politique et la violence, allant jusqu’à assassiner le Président Jovenel Moïse, avec comme seul objectif de piller le trésor public, de s’enrichir et neutraliser l'Etat avec des contrats criminels obtenus grâce à des pots de vin, la corruption ou des jugements pré-payés.

Depuis l’installation de ce gouvernement suspecté dans l’assassinat du Président @MoiseJovenel, les choses ont empiré. La vie est impossible. Ce gouvernement transfère toutes les ressources du pays au profit des oligarques corrompus abandonnant les pauvres sans moyens de subsistance. 

Les familles n’arrivent plus à survivre.
D’un côté, elles subissent la "violence directe" de l'insécurité, du kidnapping et de la guerre des gangs, de l'autre côté il y a la "violence structurelle" du système économique et des monopoles qui engendrent la vie chère.

Face à aux cris de détresse de la population, les dirigeants des partis politiques et des organisations constituées de la société civile se contentent de s’enrichir, ignorant les revendications des masses populaires.

Comme toujours, ils pratiquent le "mépris social", enraciné dans la colonie esclavagiste.

On doit se souvenir de cette vidéo d’un animateur de radio qui criait : “Mwen pa kapab ankò!”. C'était sous le président Jovenel Moïse. A ce moment, les politiciens de l'opposition et les oligarques utilisaient des sommes faramineuses pour bloquer le pays, l'empêcher de diriger, pendant 3 ans. 

Un an après l’assassinat du Président Jovenel, un an après la disparition de celui qu'ils désignaient comme le problème obsolu, le peuple haitien realise que tous ceux qui critiquaient Jovenel ne cherchaient qu’à les enfoncer dans l'abime. Car, ils sont devenus plus avares, plus rapaces, plus voraces.

Aujourd’hui, ceux qu'ils considéraient comme des leaders les méprisent alors que Jovenel écoutait leur cri.

Car, quand en 2018 le président voulait augmenter le prix des produits pétroliers, il y a eu des manifestations de contestation. Le président avait fait machine arrière. A ce moment-là, on nous disait qu'il est un dictateur .."Apre Dye".

Aujourd'hui, le gouvernement des opposants du Président Jovenel qui se disaient démocrates refusent d'écouter le peuple. 

Alors si la démocratie est fondamentalement une dictature de la majorité, entre #Jovenel et @DrArielHenry - le représentant des oligarques corrompus, de la bourgeoisie voleuse et des politiciens traditionnels et rétrogrades - lequel des deux est un dictateur?

S’il existe dans le monde entier un problème de céréale et de produits pétroliers, Haiti est le seul pays où le gouvernement ne fait rien pour soulager la misère du peuple. @DrArielHenry croit qu’il lui suffit de bien ramper devant les diplomates étrangers et des oligarques pour qu’il puisse rester au pouvoir indéfiniment, sans organiser des élections. 

Le mépris social a atteint un niveau insupportable qui justifie la révolte populaire, malgré ses conséquences regrettables. 

Cyrus Sibert, Cap-Haitien, Haiti 17 Septembre 2022 #LeReCit @ReseauCitadelle WhatsApp : +509-3686-9669 reseaucitadelle@yahoo.fr Suivez nous : https://twitter.com/reseaucitadelle

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Mesaj sa yo wap gade la se denyè manèv oligachi ak boujwa salòp yo pou pwoteje sistèm nan : Stateji sa se BLAME VIKYIM YO, FÈ YO KWÈ SE YO KI LAKÒZ.-

Mesaj sa yo wap gade la se denyè manèv oligachi ak boujwa salòp yo pou pwoteje sistèm nan : Stateji sa se BLAME VIKYIM YO, FÈ YO KWÈ SE YO KI LAKÒZ.- #LeReCit

[ Pou kantite fòs moun sa yo genyen pou koupe rache, retire dirijan mete dirijan, si yo te vle peyi mache, w panse gen dirijan ki tap ka di yo non? ] 1- tou dabò lefè ke yo oblije parèt tèt yo sa montre ke yo pedi batay kominikasyon an. Radyoman yap peye yo echwe. Moun kap fè divèsyon sou rezo pou yo echwe. Zye pèpla komanse louvri. 2- nou sonje video kote Reginald Boulos te nan reyinion ak baz Arnel Belizaire yo, epi li te pwomèt lap finanse batay yo? Kelke jou apre sa yo arete Arnel Belizaire ak yon bann zam nan vil Jacmel. Malgre, sa Boulos yo vle fè nou kwè se dirijan politik ki lakoz vyolans an Haiti. Jodia yo tout soti kò yo pou akize Claude Joseph. Epi yo panse ke nou menm kòm gwo egare nap pran sa nan men yo. André Corten kise yon gwo entelektyèl Kanada rele sa “Stratégie consistant à individualiser les causes de la violence, de la pauvreté et des problèmes sociaux”. Misye explike ke menm Bank Mondyal ak FMI itilize vye teknik divèsyon sa pou kenbe mas pèp yo nan fè nwa. Wap ka li sa nan liv ki rele “La violence dans l'imaginaire latino-americain." Bank Mondyal ak FMI pa janm pale de sistèm explwatasyon ak dominasyon sosyal ke klas dominant yo mete sou peyi yo epi pwoteje yo nan enterè yo. Pisans enperyalis yo pwofite de sistem dominasyon sa yo pou vole resous ak lajan peyi pòv yo ak konplisite oligachi lokal. Sa Bank Mondyal ak FMI fè, yo chita ap akize lòt bagay. Pwofesè Corten di’w : “ nan rapò yo, Bank Mondyal ak FMI renmen pale de chomaj oubyen travay kòm kòz mizè. Aloske se pa yon kesyon travay oubyen chomaj, se yon kesyon salè. Travayè yo pagen okenn enflyans sou kòb yap peye yo. Yap mal viv e sa lakòz vyolans ak tansyon sosyal. Se menm bagay pou peyizan kiltivatè. Yo pa gen kontwòl pri pwodi yo travay pou li. Tout eksplwatasyon an chita nan sa yap peye’w pou gwo travay wap fè. 

An Haiti oligachi kontwole pri gras a monopol pandan yap explwate malere ak salè yo enpoze yo oubyen pri ba danre ak machandiz yo achte nan men yo. Pou’w konprann koz yon pwoblèm, w bezwen sèlman gade ki moun ki benefisye de li? Ki kote mas kòb la ale? Nou pap pale de 10% kob oliagchi depanse bay entelektyèl klas mwayèn avoka, jij, kontab, politisyen pou travay pou yo, nap pale de 90% lajan ke yo transfere nan bank aletranje. Sou analiz sa, yon lòt pwofesè ameriken yo rele Micheal J. Sandel di nan liv ki rele “Tyrannie du mérite” : si tout travayè te gen kapasite pou enpoze kantite kòb yo dwe touche pou travay ak machandiz yap vann, patap gen mizè. Paske nan tan lesklavaj tout noun tap travay. Men yo pat resevwa fri travay yo kidonk anyen. Jodia tou moun kap travay yo pa resevwa ase fri tavay yo. Patron bay yon ti grabday pou yo kontinye vin travay, men pa pou yo viv nan diyite ak fanmi yo. Reginald Boulos te site non yon bann bandi Site soley ke li rele ajan devlopman. Lite konfime ke li finanse bandi sa yo. Se apre tout moun nan katye popilè yo ap ekri sou rezo sosyo fè konnen moun misye pale de yo kòm ajan devlopamn se bandi kap touye malere nan Site a. Reginald Boulos te benefisye gwo kontra lè Jovenel fenk monte prezidan; ankèt montre kantite lajan ONA ki nan men fanmi li; jodia w tande l'ap chache vann tè li gen ak OFATMA, kidonk Leta, pou plizyè milyon dola US. Boulos pat janm kache l'ap finanse destabilizasyon prezidan Jovenel. Li di te sa ouvètman nan radyo ak televizyon. Kidonk, moun sa yo fè sa yo vle nan yon sistèm, yo chanje gouvènman lè yo vle, fè pil lajan ak Leta, chanje premye minis Lamothe paske li pat dakò achte bus nan men'l pou konpayi Diyite ni manje pou pwogranm kit alimantè, aloske Leta te ka jwenn jwenn bagay sa yo pou pi bon mache lòt kote. Boulos nan peye Lobby Washington. Boulos di’w ke tout fanmi li dakò avè’l. Dimitri Vorbe ki marye ak yon mann fanmi Boulos ap koupe rache nan pouvwa ak nan kès Leta… Men yo di’w se ti nèg nwa ki minis ki nan administrasyon Leta ki pwoblèm peyia. Aloske nèg yo tèlman pisan menm yon kòmand asfalt prezidan Jovenel te fè, yo te arive bloke fè’l pa jan ka rantre. Pouvwa oligak sa yo chita sou sa yo rele "Deep State” ki vle di gwo rezo mafia andedan Leta, nan administrasyon piblik, finans, nan Polis, nan jistis, bank ak komès entènasyonal. Pou kantite fòs noun sa yo genyen pou koupe rache, si yo te vle peyi mache, w panse gen dirijan ki tap ka di non? Nan peyi Sendomeng, se boujwazi a ki enpoze stabilite politik wi. Lè peyia te bloke apre eleksyon Balaguer ak Pena Gomez an 1994, boujwazi dominiken an di yo “mesye nou gen biznis nan peyi sa fòk yo fonksyone. Nou pap ka aksepte nou bloke peyi sa pou koze eleksyon. Degaje nou twouve yon antann rapid rapid.” epi sa’w tande a tout pati politik yo oblije siyen yon akò yo rele "Pact Democratic" Apre sa boujwazi a deside finanse pati politik ak oganizasyon reskonsab. Yo di “nap finanse nou, nap finanse kanpay nou, men dwe gen stabilite. Tout kontestatsyon elektoral dwe fèt pandan jounen vòt la yon fason pou rezilta bay nan aswè avan solèy leve demen maten.” Boujwazi dominiken pa finanse vyolans politik, ni gang pou destabilize pouvwa. Yo finanse stabilite ak devlopman ekonomik nan Sendomeng. Depi lè sa peyi yo ap vanse. Prezidan Jovenel te toujou di sa : “Pi gwo bagay peyi-a bezwen se stabilite politik” Men boujwazi sa chita ap finanse sibvèsyon, peyi lòk, kraze brize, ensekirite pou anpeche diaspora ak lòt moun vin envesti an Haiti. Pagen wout pa bwa : Si nan peyi kominis, se pati kominis, nan peyi kapitalis se boujwazi ki mèt sistèm an. 

Pa kite mèt sistèm fè'w kwè se pa li ki lakòz si Haiti kraze, se fòt w menm ti malere oubyen eleman klas mwayèn. Se manti! Pa kite okenn boujwa salòp fè’w kwè se w menm oubyen se ti malere ak entelektyèl pòv ki majistra, depite, senatè, minis e menm prezidan se yo ki mete Haiti kote li ye l'a. Sa se manti! Se pawòl pou manipile moun ti lespri. Se ak manti sa yap pwoteje sistèm peze souse yo a depi plis pase 200 lane. Depi Papa Desalin, yo toujou touye oubyen jete tout dirijan ak prezidan pwogresis ki vle chanje peyi-a. Yo jete prezidan pwogresis tankou Estime pou ranplase'l pa yon kk-kleren tankou Jeneral Magloire. Men chak jou yap di’w sepa yo menm ki anpeche chanjman, se pa yo ki mèt sistèm an. Yo fè koudeta lè yo vle, apresa yo di’w se pa yo, se Lame d'Haiti. Yo touye Jovenel apresa yo di’w sepa yo se USGPN, se PNH. Epi, paske yo konnen mantalite jalouzi ak konpòtman krab nou menm ti nèg, yo kalkile ke nap prefere kritike moun ki soti menm kote ak nou tan pou nou mete presyon sou yo menm boujwazi salòp. 

Yo konnen nou byen! Yo konnen ke nou pè milat, nou pè blan, kidonk nap toujou panse ke yo se Sen Legliz. Moun po klè paka fè anyen ki mal. Yo konnen sa nan lespri nou depi nan tan esklavaj. Menm nan lekòl, yon pwofesè gen tandans pwoteje elèv ki gen po klè. Fè’l vin chita devan. Toujou prèt pou ede’l, akonpaye’l. Gen pasyans ak li. Pale avè’l ak respè, jantiyes. Pandan lap kouri ak bòt lòt elèv yo. Se bagay sa yo oligak yo konnen ki fè yo lage 2 kidon sou rezo sosyo yo ap akize moun ki soti pami nou fè yo pase kòm kòz pwoblèm peyia. Men, w pa dwe janm blye sa : Se pou'w gade ki moun ki benefisye sistem sa? Ki moun ki gen monopòl pou enpòte machandiz nan peyi sa? Ki kote 90% lajan peyi-a ale? Mwen pap pale de miyèt yo bay eleman klas mwayèn pou travay tankou reprezantan yo. Sa vo sèlman 10% tout kòb boujwa ap vole. Pa ekzanp, oligachi a bay politisyen kòwonpi yon ti miyèt pou fè manifestasyon vyolans, lòk peyia pandan lap touche 12 milyon chak mwa nan Bank Santral. Jodia lap chache pran 450 miylon US nan kès Leta pandan malere ap mouri grangou epi domestik li yo ap vole ti monnen nan Leta. Ki kote tout kòb peyi-a ale? Ki gwoup moun lajistis paka kenbe nan prizon? Ki gwoup moun ki gen pouvwa pou fè Tribinal fè seyans lè yo vle pandan malere ak pouri nan prizon san jije? Se repons a kesyon sa yo kap di nou ki moun ki mèt sistèm lan. Moun sa yo panse nou tout se egare. Ebyen louvri zye nou! Sa paka kontinye konsa! Nou pa egare! Yo pral fè’w di : men se pa yo ki sou pouvwa? 

Ebyen reflechi : milyadè nan mond sa, moun ki kontwole tout gwo antrepriz ak gwo bank nan mond sa, moun sa yo pa oblije al nan biwo, yo pa oblije al nan eleksyon, ni chita nan Palè Nasyonal.

Yo jis chita lakay yo yap telegide malere klas mwayèn kap travay pou yo. Men se pou yo antrepriz yo ye ak tout benefis pwofi kap fèt. Si moun kap travay nan biwo yo pa fè sa yo mande yo, yap revoke yo. An Haiti oligak touye yo. Se pa nèg ak kravat w wè chak jou nan biwo yo ki mèt gwo antrepriz nap pale yo, se moun kap touche benefis yo. Se kote mas kòb yo ale-a ke mèt sistèm an ye. An Haiti se pa desandan esklav kreyòl yo ki mèt sistèm lan, se desandan kolon yo; Sepa eleman klas mwayèn ki mèt sistèm lan, se oligachi salòp l'a. Lè gen eleman ki soti pami nou ki denonse oubyen kritike sistèm an oubyen vle fè chanjman, yo touye yo. Menm jan yo touye Guito Toussaint ki modènize bank leta BNC mete’l nan konkirans ak bank prive yo. 

Yo te touye Desalin paske li reklame tè pou moun ki soti an afrik yo; yo touye prezidan Salnave ki t'ap pale de refòm ak pwomosyon sosyal, yo konbat Antenor Frimin, yo jete prezidan Estime, yo konbat tout entelektyèl zye kale tankou Leslie Manigat ki vle prezidan, yo touye Jovenel Moise kit'ap denonse yo. 

Kidonk, yo se mèt sistèm sa ki kontwole peyi-a depi apre asasina Papa Desalin. Apre Lamò Christophe yo lage 2 kidon yo touye tout jeneral kite ak Desalin, yo asasinen ofisye nwa, yo konsolide sistèm neo-colonial sa sou prezidan Boyer. Yo fè nou peye yon ranson lendepans. 

Haiti peyi nou pap janm ka chanje si nou pa idantifye sous pwoblèm li jan nap fè sa, epi deside atake vrè kòz yo san demagoji.

Pou komanse se pou nou egzije yon lwa kont monopòl. Paske baz sistèm sa, kolòn vètebral li, se monopòl ekonomik. Depi nou kraze monopòl yo, sistèm peze souse-a ap destabilize epi efondre.

Cyrus Sibert, Cap-Haitien, Haiti 11 Septanm 2022 #LeReCit @ReseauCitadelle WhatsApp : +509-3686-9669 reseaucitadelle@yahoo.fr Swiv nou sou : https://twitter.com/reseaucitadelle

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Le grand remplacement des élites progressistes de la République dominicaine par l’élite rétrograde et répugnante venue d’Haiti.-

Le préjugé de couleur ou le racisme est un piège pour les racistes, car il les empêche de voir la réalité, objectivement. La vraie menace pour la démocratie et le progrès en République dominicaine, c’est l’immigration massive des élites haïtiennes corrompues, habituées à capturer l’État, la Justice et l’Administration publique.

En République Dominicaine, la minorité fasciste et les ultra-nationalistes — qu’il ne faut pas confondre avec le gentil et solidaire peuple dominicain, parlent souvent d’invasion de leur pays par des haïtiens qui représentent une menace pour eux. 

Mais, dans leur esprit coloriste, la menace est noire. Elle viendrait de pauvres immigrants haïtiens sans papier, des travailleurs sans défense, exclus de la société dominicaine. Car pour eux, les Haïtiens sont tous des négroïdes.

Pourtant, la vraie menace pour la république voisine, c’est l’invasion de "l'élite la plus répugnante", souvent à peau claire, mais nihiliste, archaïque et rétrograde, qui a détruit Haïti avec ses monopoles économiques, la manipulation financière, la corruption, l'évasion fiscale, le blanchiment d’argent, le crime organisé, le favoritisme, la capture de l’Etat et le financement de l’instabilité politique.

Aujourd’hui, ces démolisseurs d’État appliquent un plan visant à capturer l'État dominicain. Ils se rapprochent de ses représentants politiques et administratifs dans le but de reproduire leurs pratiques néo-féodales en République Dominicaine.

Ces gens ne cachent pas leur accointance avec des dirigeants dominicains. L’un d’entre eux, le dénommé Dimitri Vorbe - ainsi connu, l'oligarque qui s’est enrichi dans la privatisation contestée de l'électricité en Haïti, ne manque pas de vanter ses accointances avec des officiels dominicains dont Luis Abinader. Il le dit sans ambages dans ses videos sur Facebook Live.

Alors, entre ces pauvres immigrants haïtiens qui n’ont aucun droit en République Dominicaine, même pas celui d’ouvrir un compte en banque et ces oligarques haïtiens qui accumulent tous les droits jusqu’au droit d’influence politique, lequel des deux représente une menace pour l’avenir démocratique, la modernité et la prospérité de la République Dominicaine?

Le monde entier admire efforts de la société civile dominicaine contre la corruption. Je garde dans mon esprit la couleur verte des banderoles de citoyennes et citoyens dominicains lors des manifestations contre la corruption. En ce sens, la société civile dominicaine doit se montrer vigilante et demander : comment des criminels impliqués dans l'assassinat du Président haitien Jovenel Moise ont pu se réfugier si facilement dans leur pays, avec de forte somme d'argent liquide et des pièces d'identité dominicaines sous de faux noms?

L'influence des oligarques corrompus venus d'Haiti, ceux que le président Clinton appelle "l'élite la plus répugnante de l'Amérique" est manifeste et représente la vraie menace pour l’avenir de la République Dominicaine. 

Cyrus Sibert, Cap-Haitien, Haiti

10 Septembre 2022

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Haiti’s performance through the Covid-19 pandemic.-

PORT AU PRINCE, SEPTEMBER 2, 2022 (MIC) -

The COVID-19 pandemic coincided with a series of natural, social and political shocks in Haiti. These include a protracted political crisis, political lockdowns (peyi lòk), the assassination of President Jovenel Moise, political transitions, and gang activities. 

These were exacerbated by natural disasters such as recurring earthquakes and hurricanes, and then, the pandemic itself.

Gangs’ control of large swaths of the country has wreaked havoc, impeding local and regional economic activities, halting production, tourism and transportation, disrupting the supply chain, and thereby impeding economic growth, driving up inflationary pressures, stressing household budgets, pushing up poverty rates and worsening social and political challenges. 

Background.

Low skills, illiteracy, poverty, corruption, weak governance and vulnerability to natural disasters have long stood in the way of Haiti's economic growth. The country’s economy has been contracting and facing significant challenges, including fiscal imbalances, high unemployment, low value-added activities, prolonged recessions and structural challenges – all of this prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. 

Nevertheless, the pandemic led to a 3.3% and 1.8% contraction in GDP in 2020 and 2021, respectively.

Relative to other external shocks, the COVID-19 pandemic might have limited impacts on the economy, impacted by long-lasting and persistent, potentially irreversible effects of protracted political crises, maladministration, and violence, making it more challenging to rebound or overcome recurring natural disaster-induced shocks. 

In 2015, Hurricane Mathew destroyed about 22% of Haiti's GDP, with about 50% of damage and losses to the productive sectors concentrated in the agriculture sector. 

While Haiti's troubles have economic and natural ramifications, lack of entrepreneurship and productive investments, and the devastation caused by hurricanes and earthquakes, among other things, as well as social and political problems, rampant corruption, and weak governance affect Haiti's poor economic performance, which, in turn, worsens political and social challenges. 

Poverty has in fact increased the volatility of Haitian politics - the root cause of Haiti's social and economic underdevelopment. The resulting fiscal effect ultimately weakens the institutional apparatus. Economic weakness also contributes to corruption, enlarges the pool of potential recruits for gang violence, and enhances the attractiveness of the drug trade.

The economy through the pandemic

Disentangling the effect of the pandemic from other shocks, including natural disasters and the protracted state of conflicts prevailing in Haiti, is not a straightforward issue. 

Confirmed COVID-19 cases were relatively low, though this figure might be due to lack of testing, explained by fear or low capacity. 

Disease outbreaks have historically affected the world, and many scholars predicted the current COVID-19 outbreak to have far more significant economic consequences, particularly in developing countries.

While the expected proximal effects include disruption of input supply, fall in tax receipts, increase in sovereign debts, shortage in the labour force, and productivity losses, the pandemic appears to have limited impacts on Haiti's economic activities relative to shocks imparted by climate-related events and political breakdowns. 

At the height of the pandemic, for example - from 2019 to 2021 - the country's GDP decreased by 2.28% per annum, with a more significant decline in per capita GDP (3.47%), while inflation surged to 19.45% per annum over the same period. Inflation is projected to top 27.5% by the end of 2022. 

In a recent episode of “Investir Profin” hosted by economist Kesner Farel, economist/political scientist Joseph Harold Pierre emphasised that imported inflation accounts for about 50% of the inflationary pressure observed in food products and commodities; while petroleum products account for 20%. 

While subsidising petroleum affects the state budget negatively, food imports widen the trade deficit with a more significant impact on inflation.

Professor Isaac Marcelin, Associate Professor of Finance at the University of Maryland suggests that the pandemic has had limited impacts on economic activities considering the pre-pandemic state of economic lethargy that prevailed. 

Photo: Prof. Isaac Marcelin

He points to the fact that during the pandemic there was the presidential assassination as well as an earthquake that ravaged the southern peninsula simultaneously with tropical storm Grace. Moreover, risks to the possibility of growth remain significant, owing to political uncertainty with looming elections and security challenges.

Growth

Prof. Marcelin also contends that, in 2021, Haiti had a GDP per capita of US$1,815, the lowest in the LAC region and less than a fifth of the LAC average of US$15,092. 

On the UN’s Human Development Index, Haiti ranked 170 out of 189 countries in 2020. As the poorest country in the hemisphere and the only one that has experienced a decline in per capita gross domestic product (GDP) in recent decades, Haiti has been a concern for humanitarian and development assistance donors. 

After each disaster, international partners, including multilateral agencies and NGOs, step in to help the recovery efforts. Donor-provided resources often remain inadequate and diluted by corruption. Thus, Haiti’s economic, social, and political situation has not improved. 

The IMF provided financial assistance without ex-post conditionality to Haiti, equivalent to about US$360 million since 2020. Nevertheless, the increased participation of domestic and international NGOs seems to have crowded out the public sector making it more challenging to coordinate international support toward channels that alleviate poverty and diminish the effect of the other vulnerabilities, pushing the country into a vicious cycle.

Haiti faces acute, layered, and chronic challenges to economic growth. The need for the infusion of funding from external sources remains substantial. Without improvements in governance and better policies, Haiti cannot recover from the effects of the sustained shocks to achieve social well-being and economic growth. 

The February 2020 Humanitarian Response Plan, revised in May 2020, is based on the additional humanitarian needs generated by COVID-19 and a budget that increased from about US$250 million to US$472 million (Diaz-Bonilla et al., 2021).

Public finances and economic policies

Haiti's primary economic challenge is generating economic growth in an environment hostile to domestic and foreign investments, private contracts, property rights, and the rule of law. When the pandemic struck, macroeconomic fundamentals were fragile. Per capita income is less than one-quarter of the Latin American and the Caribbean average. 

Haitians face tremendous challenges in engaging in growth-generating activities. Fragile and lacking financial resources, the country faces urgent needs for shelter, sanitation, food, and medicine, among other things, after each disaster. 

Following the emergency phase, the resource-constrained nation failed to provide necessary assistance to affected populations. Prevailing conditions suppress domestic and foreign investments, and financial resources to fund productive investments remain scarce, exacerbating the country's dependence on foreign aid and budget assistance to cope with external shocks. Meanwhile, official external financing remained low due to enduring political uncertainty, according to the IMF.

The institutional breakdown was acute. Over the last five years, the Haitian government failed to organise parliamentary elections leading the executive branch to govern by decree. Protests intensified against the government in early 2020, which coincided with the COVID-19 breakout, resulting in lockdown measures, crippling an already sluggish economy. 

Over the past year, a caretaker government has not contained gang activities, but has established political stability through politicking and power sharing, which, some contend, could promote growth. 

The pandemic however slowed the needed steps for the Haitian government to normalise political conditions and contain criminal activities by gangs. The slow pace of reforms, low supply of credit, and lack of improvement in the security situation have effectively shut down the road to recovery. 

Currently, the government is considering the adoption of a tax code and a single window to enhance revenues. There is a view that government needs to implement steps and procedures to strengthen basic governance which will safeguard public procurement in order for these measures to be impactful.

To support the financial sector and reduce the effect of the pandemic, the Central Bank (BRH) intervened, at the beginning of the pandemic, by providing liquidity, allowing banks to tap into a critical funding source. It reduced the refinance and reference rates, lowered reserve requirements on domestic currency deposits, eased loan repayment obligations for three months, and suspended fees in the interbank payment system (IMF COVID-19 policy tracker, in Díaz-Bonilla, 2021) while increasing the fiscal deficit financing. 

Despite steady inflows in remittances, imbalances in production, exports, and imports weigh heavily on the domestic currency. The IMF estimated that the pandemic caused a drop in remittances estimated at US$557 million in 2020; a decline in textile exports to the U.S. of about US$178 million, or 2% of GDP and 17% of total goods exports; and a drop in foreign direct investment (FDI) of about 0.4% of GDP.

Tourism had declined sharply by roughly 30% in 2020 from 2019 levels owing to the political instability, and social unrest was further affected by the pandemic. 

International tourism, number of arrivals - Haiti.

The decline in tourism led to lower revenues in related industries, including hotels and restaurants. For instance, Electricity and Water by (-29.5%), Restaurants and Hotels (-15.9%), Manufacturing (-10.3%), and Commerce (-7.3%) (Diaz-Bonilla et al., 2021). 

The exchange rate has worsened steadily, dependence on imports and demand for foreign currency has grown, and disruptions in fuel procurements and energy costs have driven up inflationary pressures. Containment measures due to the COVID-19 pandemic might have suppressed demand import compression that artificially strengthened the current account balance while fundamentals deteriorated.

Haiti has implemented several measures to support vulnerable populations and maintain employment during the pandemic, including increasing public expenditures by nearly 1.6% of GDP (see Díaz-Bonilla, 2021). 

However, the resource-trapped country’s pandemic expenditures placed it below fiscal measures implemented in the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region. The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) also approved a reprogramming of other operations from the banks and bilateral aid to focus resources on the pandemic. 

This reassignment totalled US$27million from the non-disbursed balance of Haiti’s current investment portfolio and US$50 million in addition to US$112million from the IMF to address budget shortfalls. In 2020, the World Bank approved a US$20 million grant and US$35 million in 2022 for the Haiti COVID-19 response.

Governance and Public Administration

Haiti scores low on nearly all other fundamental development indicators. The state is the most significant political and economic industry, driving wealth accumulation. As a result, opposing groups always target the state seeking control to extract rents. 

Together with limited financial resources, the lack of skilled, trained, and adequately organised government personnel and the lack of management systems within ministries and other government bodies are the principal constraints on the state's effectiveness. 

The implications of the institutional deficiencies in planning, budgeting, executing policy decisions, and managing people and resources cut across all government activities, including the government's ability to interact with donors, set priorities, and craft and implement policies.

Conclusion

According to Prof. Marcellin, in order to assess COVID-19’s impact on Haiti's economy, one needs to consider the broader context of natural disasters, civil unrest, political violence, gang activities, weak governance and the government's inability to craft and implement public policies. 

COVID-19 only exacerbates a state of perennial weaknesses, he says. Hope for a more prosperous and peaceful future for the Haitian people lies in building a more effective, resilient state through gains in the rule of law, property rights, and political and human rights conditions. 

The experts agree that while many multilateral institutions provided support to recover from the pandemic, the country's inability to tap into international financial markets to finance its development priorities hamstrings its progress. 

Donors’ plans and objectives may be incoherent with the government’s priorities. According to Prof. Marcellin, for the country to progress, the burden rests on the shoulders of Haiti’s political leaders, who will need to rise to the challenge of overcoming a history of fractiousness, patronage, and indecision. 

Donors and international organisations can help ease that burden by providing financial resources, promoting political consensus, and encouraging adherence to strategic plans.

Haiti’s vulnerabilities through the pandemic period meanwhile remain significantly elevated. Although the direct effect of the pandemic may be limited relative to other exogenous factors, the effect of COVID19-related disruptions may potentially amplify those of other disturbances, including protracted gang violence, the spectre of natural disasters, corruption, weak governance, and ineffective public policy. Thus, the pandemic's total effect (direct and indirect) on the economy will linger. Therefore, the challenges to growth remain daunting.

It is noteworthy to highlight that the Governor of the Central Bank, Jean Baden Dubois raised the possibility that, by August 2023, Haiti may be cut off from the international system of payments owing to its poor performance in fighting corruption, money laundering, arms trafficking, and its inability to track terrorism financing. 

Haiti receives a poor mark and figures on a grey list of the Caribbean Financial Action Task Force (CFATF). Ostracising Haiti from the international payment system will raise transaction costs and worsen the quality of life.

Even as this report is being published, deadly political demonstrations have resumed. There are growing calls for Haitian authorities to keep the situation at bay and organise fair and free elections so that productive investments can resume which will diminish poverty levels and, eventually, gang violence.

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