samedi 28 mai 2022

Hell on earth - Haitian football federation were forced to have sex with visiting football officials.-

For two decades players, referees and employees of the Haitian football federation were forced to have sex with visiting football officials. One of the visitors who accepted this “gift”, was the then @FIFAcom president Sepp Blatter.-

By Romain Molina For almost two decades, leading officials at the Haitian football association (FHF) built a vast network of sexual exploitation. This included rape of teenage girls and boys, abortions, blackmail and death threats. According to Haitian court documents in Josimar’s possession, at least one victim has committed suicide. The Fifa Goal Centre of La-Croix-des-Bouquets was like “hell on earth” according to victims. Concacaf or Fifa delegations visiting Haiti to attend refereeing courses or to inspect the progress of the Fifa Goal Centre were offered a player, a referee or an employee to have sex with. Some of football’s most senior officials, including Sepp Blatter, took advantage of this system. “You came to Haiti, you received a girl from the federation at your hotel. This is how it worked,” says the former captain of the national team and president of the players’ union, Ernso Laurence. He is one of the few who has spoken publicly about what went on inside FHF. ”I’ve been fighting against former president (Yves Jean-Bart) and his corrupt administration since 2007. I’ve spoken about all kinds of abuses, including the sexual ones.“ After a Guardian investigation, Yves Jean-Bart (74), was banned for life by Fifa in november 2020 for sexual abuse of 14 players, many of them minors. “Mr Jean-Bart’s behaviour is simply inexcusable, a disgrace for any football official,” said Vassilios Skouris, chairperson of the adjudicatory chamber of Fifa’s Ethics Committee. “Whilst claiming he was developing Haitian football, in particular women’s competitions and teams, Mr Jean-Bart did the exact opposite – he abused his position in order to satisfy his personal attitude of domination over the most fragile people, destroying the careers and lives of young promising female players.” “The Ranch” At the Fifa Goal Centre – known as “The Ranch” – some of the best young Haitian players, girls and boys, lived, trained and went to school from the age of 14. Dreaming of becoming professional footballers, these teenagers left their families to pursue their goal. The majority of the players came from some of the financially worst off families in Haiti, one of the poorest countries in the world. Today, several of these once promising players make their living as prostitutes after their experiences at “The Ranch”. When becoming part of the training programme, they had to surrender their passports to FA president Jean-Bart. From day one Jean-Bart held leverage over the vulnerable children who believed they were on their way to a career within the game they loved. “The only thing we knew was the centre and nothing outside of it. It was easy for him to manipulate and brainwash the young girls,” says one of the victims to Josimar. “Football is maybe the only option for these kids to make it out of extreme poverty,” remarks the former captain Ernso Laurence. “That was the leverage ‘Dadou’ (Jean-Bart’s nickname) held. With it, he could get what he wanted.” If you wanted to travel with the national team and obtain a US visa, a dream for millions of Haitians, Jean-Bart and his administration asked you for something in return. Most of the time, sex. “Our passports were confiscated all the time. That’s how they kept us. They took our passports, they blackmailed us for visas, for everything,” explains a former resident at “The Ranch”. “It was a nightmare. Our parents had to give us help but we couldn’t tell them the truth. We were also their hope for a better future.” So far 34 victims, many of them minors, have been identified. Compared to a ‘cartel organisation’ in a 45-page report by Fifa’s Ethics Committee, this system involved many predators and accomplices, like Rosnick Grant, president of the FHF’s referees commission and banned for life by Fifa for sexual abuse in july 2021. A report by Fifpro identified ten perpetrators. According to the survivors, at least twenty FHF employees were directly involved – as predators and/or facilitators. “What I don’t understand is how Fifa didn’t see what was happening,” says one of Jean-Bart’s victims. “We’re talking about two decades of abuse. It was an open secret in Haiti. How and why did Concacaf and Fifa close their eyes? It was impossible not to know.” As another victim points out: “They closed their eyes because they received girls when they came to visit us. It’s as simple as that. It was an entire system.” Boys and girls raped at the Fifa centre As already reported by Josimar, Rosnick Grant used young Haitian referees as sexual gifts for several Concacaf and Fifa officials, like Ronald Gutiérrez, the former director of development of referees at Fifa. For Jean-Bart, it was different. “He didn’t like to share the girls,” recalls one of his victims. “He was very jealous. He wanted us only for himself and his sexual impulses.” Jean-Bart did make an exception for a dear old friend, Sepp Blatter. “He loved president Blatter very much,” says a former board member of FHF. “He called him his personal friend.” They had known each other for years. Sepp Blatter was first elected Fifa president in 1998 and two years later, Yves Jean-Bart became president of the FHF. Over the years the two developed a close relationship. Since the very beginning of Blatter’s tenure, Haiti and its federation’s president were cherished by Zurich. The FHF was also one of the first federations to receive funds from the Goal programme. In April 2002, a ceremony was held to mark the completion of the first phase of the new Fifa Goal Centre, which included an administrative office, an auditorium with seating for 300 and a dormitory for up to 32 players in 16 air-conditioned rooms. It was in this centre, financed by Fifa at the cost of almost 1.5 million euro, that Yves Jean-Bart raped some of Haiti’s the most promising teenagers. According to court documents in Josimar’s possession, the former sports minister, Evans Lescouflair, along with other coaches under FHF contract, raped underage boys at the centre. “The three months I spent there were a nightmare,” recalls one of the victims who officially complained against Lescouflair and other FHF officials. “I was 14 when it happened. I ran away one night with some of my friends. I didn’t have a choice.” Evans Lescouflair has been accused by several underage alleged rape victims, including the family of a former youth international who committed suicide after having been sexually abused by the former sports minister. On Thursday 12 May, Lescouflair was summoned by a Port-au-Prince court, but didn’t show up. His lawyer wrote a letter saying his client was overseas for health reasons. However, Jacques Lafontant, Haiti’s government commissioner, issued an arrest warrant against him for raping children and other counts of sexual assault. “On this matter, everything happened at the ranch,” says Franck Vaneus, one of the lawyers of the victims, to Josimar. “The boys were facing a network of abusers there.” Whilst underage boys and girls were raped repeatedly at the centre, Yves Jean-Bart received the special Fifa Presidential Award in December 2004. Acknowledged for “his dedication,” he was also praised for organising a friendly game against Brazil the same year as a way “to bring together people and fight against discrimination in all its guises.” In 2011, after the terrible earthquake that killed more than 220 000 people and destroyed a large part of the country in 2010, the Haitian U17 women’s team received the Fifa fair play award in Zurich. Jean-Bart received the trophy, smiling together with the captain of the U17 squad at the time, Hayana Jean-François, a player that was one of many that was deprived of bonuses and had her passport seized by the federation. Three months later, in an interview with CNN, Jean-Bart claimed that 32 of the 50 people present at the national headquarters died during the earthquake In reality, only two FHF employees died, including the U17 coach, Jean-Yves Labaze. Sepp Blatter and Fifa didn’t say a word about the false claims and instead gave Jean-Bart more than 3 million US dollars to rebuild the federation. Blatter’s homage to Jean-Bart Former journalist, doctor and owner of Radio Galaxie, Yves Jean-Bart became one of the most powerful men in Haiti thanks to the beautiful game. “Football gives you access and political connections like no other sport,” comments Ernso Laurence. “You can’t imagine what it represents for us. Haiti is mad about football, absolutely mad. Jean-Bart knew that and with Fifa on his side, he was untouchable.” Jean-Bart had enjoyed a good relationship with the former president of the country, the late René Preval. In 2011 Michel Martelly was elected president and he wanted Jean-Bart ousted from the Haitian FA. “It wasn’t a secret that Martelly wanted to get rid of him,” says Pierre Richard Midy, an investigative Haitian journalist living in exile in South America after receiving death threats. “He didn’t like the way Jean-Bart was handling the federation. Jean-Bart was acting like a dictator who always wanted more money. Martelly didn’t like his attitude.” According to three presidential advisers at the time, Martelly personally asked them to find enough evidence to make a strong judicial case against Jean-Bart. Feeling the pressure, Jean-Bart asked Fifa for help on the grounds of political interference. So, in April 2013, during Sepp Blatter’s trip to Haiti, he paid a visit to president Martelly to “defend at all costs the work done” by Jean-Bart and his federation. Pressuring the state, Sepp Blatter even asked the government to give financial help to the FHF and appease the tensions. “Martelly knew he couldn’t do anything after that”, recalls one of his advisers. “Otherwise Haiti would be suspended for political interference and he couldn’t face it. It could’ve led to huge protests against him and his government.” Talking to the local press, Sepp Blatter heaped praise on Yves Jean-Bart, describing him “as not only a great doctor, but also a great president […] In the moments of turbulence in Haitian football in the last couple of years, it was necessary to be a good doctor to have the tenacity, that faith in the future, that formidable and exceptional energy, and that’s why I pay homage to you, Yves Jean-Bart.” Blue pills for the president
Before Sepp Blatter’s visit to the Fifa Goal Centre, Jean-Bart summoned all personnel and players. “It happened a week before,” remembers a former female youth international. “Every time a delegation came, we were summoned by the president. He gave us specific instructions about what we had to say in case anyone asked us a question. We needed to say that ‘Dadou’ treated us well, that he was like a father to us and that we needed more money to improve the centre. ‘Dadou’ used us as a way to earn money also.” The federation called cleaners to polish the centre, hiding evidence of dirt, mould and collapsed walls. “I don’t know where the money went because we lived in a pigsty,” former residents tell Josimar. “We didn’t have sanitary towels, for the love of God. I’m not talking about the toilets because they weren’t clean either most of the time […] Some days, we ate once a day, a shitty meal, whereas the directors had really nice food. But when Concacaf or Fifa came, they made sure we all ate well and everything was clean. Especially when president Blatter came. It was a special moment for all of us and ‘Dadou’ was very clear about the way we had to behave.” Housed at the Oasis Hotel in Pétion-Ville, a western-style neighbourhood of the capital, Sepp Blatter greeted the staff and some players. Yves Jean-Bart was standing beside his dear friend “president Blatter”, as he liked to call him. The girls were smiling, and a promise of new Fifa funds emerged. Everything worked according to plan, and Jean-Bart would order a “present” for his good friend from Switzerland. “‘Dadou’ ordered an employee to pay a visit to Blatter at his hotel,” recalls an upper-echelon member of the federation. “He basically told her to sleep with him. It was an order. She hesitated because she was afraid of her husband’s reaction. ‘Dadou’ didn’t understand that she could defy his authority, but he asked another woman. She agreed. She didn’t really have a choice.” Yves Jean-Bart asked a member of the federation’s medical team to buy blue pills for Fifa’s president. That night an employee at FHF spent the night with Sepp Blatter at the Oasis Hotel. “‘Dadou’ was so proud of it,” remembers the member of the medical staff who brought the blue pills. “He told the story to everyone using the name of the employee even when she was next to him. He said ’President Blatter loves Haitian women! He loves Haitian women! I got one for him’.” Contacted by Josimar, the employee denied knowing Sepp Blatter personally. However, after sending a picture of them together – meaning that Blatter knew perfectly well she was an employee and not a stranger – she admitted to having “a great fondness for him […] We met at a conference, I remember now.” She also denied any relations or orders given by Jean-Bart. “Mr Jean-Bart is a great man. He would never do such a thing. I don’t understand why you’re talking about him. He’s an honest man.” Three of Jean-Bart’s victims responded to this statement with the following: “It’s not a surprise because she’s one of Jean-Bart’s biggest accomplices.” The auditor also received girls Alerted more than a year ago of this system of sexual exploitation, Fifa didn’t open any investigation against Sepp Blatter or Yvon Avry, the Frenchman sent to Haiti in 2011 by Fifa to verify if everything was in order at the centre. “He slept with several of my teammates,” a disgusted former youth international says. “He slept with us! Fifa sent someone to check on us and he ended up having sex with the players that ‘Dadou’ gave him.” Like Blatter, Yvon Avry received the girls on Jean-Bart’s orders. “It was a way to close the eyes on everything that was going on there,” a coach points out. “Like everyone else, I can’t speak publicly because the country is too dangerous and these people are too dangerous.” A gangster only known as Bozom visited Jean-Bart and the centre regularly. With a gun visible in his pocket he came to collect money, and shared laughs with the boss. “We were terrified,” a victim of other FHF officials says. “It was a place… it was a place where it was normal to be raped. Some of my friends are now prostitutes or junkies because they have been broken.” Recently, Dulia Dupont, a former right-hand of Yves Jean-Bart, attacked the FHF doctor Martial Bénech for facilitating an abortion in 2015. A 15-year-old girl had become pregnant after being raped at “The Ranch”. Five months into her pregnancy, she had an abortion. “How dare you still be there, docteur Bénech, after sending her to the abortion clinic?” she asked furiously. Martial Bénech is still an employee at FHF, travelling with the national team. Just like the secretary general Carlo Marcelin, who covered up Jean-Bart’s crimes, the former technical director Wilner Etienne, accused in a Guardian investigation of raping minors, and Fenelus Guerrier, the former executive secretary, accused of sexually blackmailing girls in exchange for US visas. None of these individuals have been banned by Fifa. “This is maybe the biggest scandal in Fifa’s history, but no one is paying attention,” a victim of four different officials says. “Otherwise, they would suspend at least 20 or 25 officials. For me, Fifa is as complicit as the others. They let ‘Dadou’ and Grant abuse us, like the others, because they also received girls. I risked my life and I’m still at risk. What did Fifa do to help me? What did Fifa do by letting Carlo Marcelin and the others stay? What’s the point of all this?” Since The Guardian published its first investigation in April 2020, Fifa has repeatedly been told about the widespread abuse inside Haiti. Victims, witnesses, Fifpro, Human Rights Watch, everyone warned Fifa about the risks players and whistleblowers take. The Ethics Committee, along with Mario Gallavotti, senior adviser to Gianni Infantino and former director of Fifa’s independent committees, and Joyce Cook, who until April of this year was Fifa’s chief social responsibility and education officer, has been overseeing Fifa’s investigations into Haiti since 1 May 2020. But two years after the investigation started, victims have become increasingly frustrated with Fifa. Football’s governing body has lost the confidence of the majority of the survivors. One of the victims even thought of taking her own life because of Fifa’s negligence and refusal to act. No investigative team was sent to Haiti except an ad hoc panel chosen by Gallavotti. The panel included Jacques Letang, one of the best friends of Yves Jean-Bart’s lawyer, Stanley Gaston. At the time, Fifpro questioned Letang’s suitability.
“We received information we believe to be credible that he had on at least one occasion mixed in the same social circle as Mr Jean-Bart,” said the world players’ union in a statement. “Fifa informed us that it had conducted extensive due diligence on Mr Letang and it remained confident that he has no ties to Mr Jean-Bart.” There wasn’t any extensive due diligence according to Josimar’s sources. In January 2021 Fifa appointed a normalisation committee. The following month Jacques Letang was appointed chairman, alongside members Monique Andre and Yvon Severe. In March Jacques Letang on behalf of the FHF made a 51 000 US dollars payment to a travel agency based in Florida, Pleasure Travel and Logistics, to book plane tickets for the national team. The agency, registered in Florida to Diamy Camacho and Jenny Nunez, is in reality controlled by Miguel Trujillo, a former agent banned for life by Fifa in 2018 for match-fixing, and Jean-Bart’s own son, Yves-Robert, who also was part of the federation and has never been sanctioned by Fifa. Multiple sources say Jean-Bart is still running the federation from the shadows, despite his ban. His own people are still at the FHF. “It’s a shame, right,” an international player tells Josimar. “Nothing has changed.” Today the academy is closed and Jean-Bart’s people are still there threatening people who want to speak up. “I’ll be honest with you, we’ve already prepared your coffin because I’m personally going to crack your skull open,” said one text message sent to a victim. “Everyone knew” “Since May 2020, Human Rights Watch (HRW) has interviewed more then a dozen male and female survivors of sexual abuse in Haiti. We collected evidence of systemic human rights abuses in Haitian football, including confiscation of players’ passports, labour right abuses, grooming child athletes for sexual exploitation, and threats to kill witnesses and survivors. These survivors – many of them children at the time of the abuse – uniformly say ‘everyone knew, everyone knew about the sexual abuse and did nothing to help us players’,” says Minky Worden, director of global initiatives at HRW. “Athletes, referees and women employed by football federations have a right to a safe work environment, and not to be abused, coerced, or exploited by the Haitian federation leaders or visiting Fifa officials, “ Minky Worden of HRW says. ”If true, Fifa and Haitian authorities need to investigate these complaints immediately, and prosecute anyone in the Fifa hierarchy who participated in it or knew about sexual abuse of children and athletes. There must be a survivor-centred justice process. Fifa has a duty to care for anyone harmed on its operations.” According to survivors and witnesses Josimar has spoken to, Fifa isn’t willing to properly investigate what the teenagers at the Fifa Goal Centre went through. Employees like Mickelange Pierre, one of Jean-Bart’s most active accomplices, are still working for the FHF. She bought underwear for the girls and convinced them to sleep with Jean-Bart. According to a message seen by Josimar, Mario Gallavotti said “she wasn’t important” and “left”. Mickelange Pierre is on the list of witnesses who will give testimony in Jean-Bart’s favour at his CAS appeal. She has not been sanctioned. Neither have the doctors working for the federation who sent the girls to have abortions, nor Concacaf or Fifa officials who had sex with employees, players or referees. Fifa’s response
In the decision taken on 18 November 2020 by the adjudicatory chamber of the Ethics Committee of Fifa, they acknowledged Jean-Bart had implemented a system of facilitators and accomplices who made the abuse possible. “Another aspect the panel would like to refer to in the respective conduct of Mr Jean-Bart is the use of accomplices, proxies and facilitators, who would aid him in implementing the despicable system of abuse within the Centre and FHF,” the report says. Josimar sent the following questions to Fifa: Does FIFA plan to expand the Haïti investigation to include other officials? FIFA has for over a year been aware of Sepp Blatter receiving “sexual gifts “ – an employee in his case – from Yves Jean-Bart in Haiti. Have you opened an investigation into this? If not, will you investigate him? Which FIFA position did Yvon Avry hold? Mr Gallavotti has told us Avry only was under contract at the time. Will FIFA investigate him? Fifa didn’t answer the concrete questions, but instead returned with a statement that can “be attributed to a spokesperson”: “First of all, FIFA takes any allegation reported to it very seriously. FIFA encourages anyone who is aware of abuse or unethical behaviour in connection to football matters to immediately report it to through our confidential whistle-blowing hotline BKMS. For further information on BKMS, please link HERE. “Please note that as a general policy, the independent Ethics Committee does not comment on whether or not investigations are underway into alleged cases. As usual, any information the Ethics Committee may like to share will be communicated at their discretion. “When it comes to misconduct in football, we would like to reiterate that FIFA’s position is clear: anyone found guilty of misconduct and abuse in football shall be brought to justice, sanctioned and removed from the game.” Josimar sent several questions to Sepp Blatter through his spokesperson Thomas Renggli. We have yet to receive a reply. Josimar sent several questions to Yvon Avry. He has not replied. This is the fourth instalment in a series of articles about sexual abuse in football. If you have any knowledge about sexual abuse, please get in touch with Romain Molina using romainmolina@protonmail.com http://josimarfootball.com/hell-on-earth/#.YoZYohzuOC0.twitter


lundi 28 février 2022

La Guerre en Ukraine!!! Analyse!!! (Texte de Cyrus Sibert) #LeReCit


Le 18 Septembre 1994, le Président Émile Jonassaint a compris que Haiti ne pouvait pas affronter l’Armée Américaine. Et pour éviter la destruction du pays par l’armée de l’air des États-Unis @USAIRFORCE et des pertes civiles, il a accepté de signer l’”Accord de Port-au-Prince” avec les représentants du Président Bill Clinton, malgré les réticences de certains officiers illuminés comme le Général Biambi.

Un leader doit pouvoir évaluer ses capacités et éviter d’envoyer ses concitoyens à la mort exposant son pays à la destruction. Les américains ont déjà conseillé au président ukrainien de quitter l’Ukraine. Il doit comprendre qu’il faut plus que des selfies et des vidéos sur les réseaux sociaux pour arrêter une armée puissante. A moins que l’OTAN ne décide de rejoindre la bataille au risque d’une guerre nucléaire pour pour l’Ukraine, il temps de négocier.

Contrairement aux prétendues analyses des intellectuels faussaires des mainstream médias, dans la tête de Poutine, il s’agissait de récupérer l’Ukraine sans la détruire. Car, il l’a répété, “c’est le berceau de la Russie”. C’est la raison pour laquelle il a utilisé dans un premier temps une opération avec des forces spéciales.

Nous sommes au 5e jour de l’intervention. Pour un pays environ de la dimension de la France. L’OTAN a pris 11 semaines pour bombarder la Yougoslavie. La campagne aérienne durant la Guerre du Golfe, meneée par une coalition de 35 pays, a duré du 17 Janvier au 24 Février 1991, soit environ un mois. Donc, les russes mènent très bien leurs opérations après 5 jours. Malgré les faits héroïques de l’Armée Ukrainienne, elle ne pourra gagner la guerre cette offensive éclaire.

Il faut se méfier des analyses complexées des européens qui cherchent toujours à rabaisser les russes. Les américains sont plus pragmatiques sur ce point. C’est pourquoi ils ont invité le Président de l’Ukraine à l'exfiltrer du pays.

Ce matin, j’ai lu dans la presse que le Président Emmanuel Macron a parlé 1 heure 30 à Vladimir Poutine lui demandant d’épargner la vie des civiles. Cela signifie que l'Europe n’a plus d’option pour l’arrêter. Kiev risque de finir comme Grozny, la capitale de Chechenie détruite par l’armée dans les années 90s.

Moi, j’attends la suite qui signifiera une nouvelle guerre froide, avec un nouveau rideau de fer; la fin du monde unipolaire avec trois (3) nouveaux blocs Atlantique, EurAsie et Asie mineure; fin de la “globalisation dangereuse” qui permettrait de valoriser la contribution politique des petits pays comme Haïti, allié des États-Unis; ce qui mettra fin à la liberté d’action déstabilisante de la France en Haïti. Notre soutien à la diplomatie américaine en faveur de Taïwan aura plus de valeur aux yeux de Washington.

Dans ce contexte de reconfiguration de zones d’influence géopolitique, attendez-vous à une intervention américaine au Venezuela contre Nicolas Maduro.

#DonaldTRUMP avait raison! 

Il avait recommandé "de ne pas isoler ni diaboliser la Russie! 

Il fallait mettre Poutine en confiance et l’intégrer au G7.” Utiliser un modèle politique ou de vie pour humilier et rabaisser l’autre, c’est une erreur. 

Mon problème avec TRUMP c’est le fait d’avoir qualifié mon pays Haïti de #ShiteholeCountry. Mais, sur ce point, il avait raison. 

Les Atlantistes sont dangereux et fous. Ils vont continuer à emmerder les gens jusqu’à provoquer de nouvelles guerres. D’ailleurs, ils n’ont pas expliqué pourquoi Poutine qui sollicitait son adhésion à l’OTAN peut-il devenir l’ennemi de l’OTAN? 

Plus, ils parlent de sanctions, plus ils font preuve d’arrogance et placent le monde au bord d’une guerre nucléaire. 

Aujourd’hui, l'Allemagne, qui a provoqué deux 2 guerres mondiales, augmente son budget de défense. Pour le faire, elle utilise l’agression Russe, ce pays qui a toujours fait échec à ses folies aériennes au prix de dizaines de millions de vies. Donc, en termes de temps long, la France en est sortie perdante. Car, sa rivale historique trouve un bon prétexte pour se réarmer. 

Bravo les gars!!! Vive l’Europe à jamais unie!!!

Cyrus Sibert, reseaucitadelle@yahoo.fr
#LeReCit @reseaucitadelle

dimanche 16 janvier 2022

Haiti : "Accord 11 Septembre", "Accord El Rancho", l'obsession d'une démocratie sans élections ou la stratégie de blocage des revendications populaires de changement.-


Après six (6) mois de réflexion et de négociations, l'opposition radicale qui a préparé l'opinion à l'assassinat du Président Jovenel Moïse propose un Conseil de cinq (5) Présidents pour diriger Haïti. Quant à ceux qui ont fait main basse sur le pouvoir d'Etat à travers un gouvernement lié aux assassins du Chef de l'Etat, ils sont tellement désorientés qu'ils ont
décidé de s'offrir un week-end de retraite gouvernementale sur la plage, au bord de la mer en vue de réfléchir sur les décisions à adopter. Décidément, ces élites traditionnelles ne savent pas quoi faire avec le pays.

En ce début de janvier 2022, les Etats-Unis viennent de publier un “Travel Warning” demandant à leurs citoyens de ne pas voyager en Haïti à cause du COVID-19. Donc, en six (6) mois, Haïti est passé d’un gouvernement qui savait ce qu’il voulait, à un gouvernement qui ne sait pas ce qu’il doit faire. Aussi, notre pays est-il passé de “modèle à suivre” sur la scène internationale, en matière de gestion du COVID-19 sous le leadership du Président Jovenel Moïse, à un échec à éviter.

Certes, les supporters du pouvoir de facto nous diront, “mais la situation est plus apaisée ces jours-ci en Haïti". Alors, allons nous remettre le pouvoir politique partout dans le monde à des agitateurs, à des extrémistes violents, à des terroristes, pour qu’ils se calment, même quand ils ne savent pas quoi faire avec ?

Le Premier Ministre de facto Ariel Henry, accusé dans l’assassinat du président Jovenel, a passé tout le mois de décembre 2021 à organiser des cérémonies de “vœux de noël et de fin d’année” ; au début du mois de Janvier 2022, il est occupé à recevoir des Prix “Honneur et mérite” de la part des Unités de la Force Publique, politisant ainsi la sécurité rapprochée des représentants de l’Etat. Il s'amuse à organiser des événements qui justifient des décaissements. C'est tout !

Ce qui se passe aujourd’hui en Haïti rappelle ce qu’on a vécu en 1986 et en 2004. Une élite critique, subversive, appuyée par la France qui par ses couloirs diplomatiques paralyse la diplomatie Américaine, ce qui lui donne le temps d’assurer la survie du système néocolonial raciste, d'apartheid économique d’extraction des ressources et d’exclusion de la majorité nationale noire qu’elle a mis en place dans son propre pays face à son impossibilité d'y rétablir l'esclavage. Pour cela, cette élite utilise des monstruosités.

En 1986, après le départ de Jean-Claude Duvalier, alors que la République Dominicaine et tous les autres pays de l'Amérique latine s’activaient à démocratiser leur système présidentiel, la France a permis à cette élite francophile "répugnante" d’imposer à Haïti un système monstrueux, une fabrication hybride qui n’existe dans aucun livre de Science politique ni de Droit Constitutionnel, à savoir

- un Parlement tout puissant qu'on ne pas dissoudre,

- un Premier Ministre tout puissant, une Constitution dans laquelle ils ont introduit l’article 192 excluant une frange de la population du jeu politique,

- un Président Mineur et des parlementaires couverts par l'immunité qui deviennent les principaux acteurs du délit de trafic d’influence, de gabegie administrative, de chantage et de corruption.

En 2004, alors que les couches populaires, spécifiquement les jeunes, attendaient le "Nouveau Contrat Social" promis par ces élites politiques et de la société civile qui s'activaient à déstabiliser le président Jean-Bertrand Aristide, les classes dirigeantes ont préféré se battre pour des franchises douanières, des contrats sans appel d'offres, des pots de vin….

En 1986, le chef de file des oligarques était Madame Gladys Lauture qui imposait ses quatre volontés. A cette époque, les membres de cette oligarchie corrompue, rétrograde, épicurienne, hédoniste et nihiliste agissaient habilement pour détourner le mouvement populaire basé sur les revendications de “Justice, transparence et de participation”. Ils en ont profité pour défendre le système néo-colonial français en Haïti. De fait, le système néo-féodal monopoliste d’extraction est resté intact.

C’est toujours le même scénario. Une période de transition pour permettre à la clientèle néocoloniale de la France de se refaire une économie, d’assurer la continuité du système d’extraction des ressources économiques et financières mis en place depuis 1820, durant la présidence de Jean-Pierre Boyer.

A ceux qui croient que la méchanceté des colonialistes français contre Haïti est une histoire ancienne, nous rappelons que ce n’est qu’en 1983, le président François Mitterrand a décidé de ne plus recevoir l'argent odieux que devait verser Haïti comme dette de l'indépendance. C’est-à-dire, durant tout le 20ème siècle, jusqu’en 1986, nous avons dû payer pour l’absence des esclaves qui n'étaient pas dans les champs parce qu'ils avaient pris leur liberté le 1er Janvier 1804.

Aussi, disons-nous, le comportement récent du peuple haïtien suite à la montée du prix du carburant prouve que la violence et les destructions qu'ont connues Haïti autour de ce sujet étaient l’œuvre d'agitateurs de l’opposition politique radicale, monnayée par l’oligarchie corrompue qui tient le pays en otage ; cette même oligarchie qui aujourd’hui utilise la violence des gangs qu’elle a financés et armés, comme un argument justifiant leur refus d'organiser des élections générales en Haïti.

Mais, l’opinion publique internationale sait très bien que c’est faux. Car, on a pu organiser des élections en Irak, en Afghanistan, en Libye, au Liban, dans les Balkans, dans les zones de non-droit d'Amérique latine où des gangs défient l’Etat. D'ailleurs, la Mission de l'ONU MINUSTAH a organisé plusieurs élections en Haïti, malgré la présence des gangs. Il existe toute une expertise sur les stratégies à suivre en telles circonstances. Lisez le livre "Maîtriser la violence" du Général Loup Francart, Éd. Economica, 2002.



Ce que veulent les oligarques corrompus d'Haïti, c'est une démocratie sans vote populaire, une démocratie contrôlée, démassifiée, à l'instar des régimes autoritaires, anti-démocratiques et répressifs que les Etats-Unis maintiennent sous sanctions internationales ; une forme d'apartheid politique protégé par des gangs qui terrorisent la population et assassinent des élus récalcitrants. Tel est le projet politique que les oligarques d'Haïti qui étouffent le peuple, l'empêchant de vivre dans son pays, proposent à l'administration américaine du Président Joe Biden de cautionner.

Il est temps de mettre un terme à ce jeu cynique et macabre. Et, la solution est simple : Il suffit de mettre en place un régime de sanctions contre tous les acteurs de la vie sociale et politique en Haïti qui refusent de respecter le jeu démocratique.

Car, si la guerre des Etats-Unis contre l’Espagne a affranchi la Caraïbe et l'Amérique latine de l’influence des anciennes métropoles colonialistes européennes, en Haïti, la France profite du manque d'intérêt des Etats-Unis pour refaire surface et défendre son système néocolonial. Ses agents provocateurs et agitateurs manipulent les élites et imposent au pays une subversion permanente et continue en vue d'affaiblir l'Etat. A chaque fois que le peuple haïtien se crée une opportunité de changement, la France obtient des Etats-Unis un temps de répit appelé transition qui permet à ses hommes - souvent des haïtiens écervelés - de réparer les brèches.

La solution passe par la destruction totale du pilier du système d'extraction néocoloniale qu’est le monopole économique. Les patriotes progressistes doivent faire front commun contre cette cible dont la destruction provoquera l’effondrement du système qui détruit Haïti et ouvrira les portes à l'intégration des centaines de milliers d'haïtiens -- anglophones de USA/Canada, hispanophones et lusophones de l'Amérique latine -- de la diaspora qui rentreront en compétition directe avec cette oligarchie rétrograde et arriérée qui maintient notre pays dans la pauvreté et le sous-développement.

Comme le dit clairement Alvin Toffler à la page 294 de son livre "Les Nouveaux Pouvoirs” (Powershift) « Tout système exige une certaine adéquation entre la manière dont un peuple produit de la richesse et celle dont il se gouverne. Si le système politique est en trop forte discordance avec le système économique, l’un des deux finira par détruire l’autre.»

L'auteur démontre l’incompatibilité entre un système économique rétrograde et le système moderne qu’est la démocratie. En Haïti, l’international représenté par la Mission de l'ONU @BINUH_UN et le club pervers dénommé #CoreGroup prétend supporter un système démocratique sans changer l’économie monopoliste et néo-féodale basée sur la rente donc incapable de créer de la croissance ni le plein emploi.

C’est impossible !

« Si le système politique est en trop forte discordance avec le système économique, l’un des deux finira par détruire l’autre. » nous dit Alvin Toffler.

Donc, pas de nouveau système politique, sans un nouveau système économique. Pour passer de la dictature à la démocratie, il faut passer d’une économie monopoliste d’exclusion à une économie participative inclusive, de libre concurrence.

En ce sens, l’instabilité en Haïti est fondamentalement causée par la résistance du statu quo économique que l’international fait semblant d’ignorer au point de le protéger, tout en nous parlant de "démocratie en Haïti".

Détruisons le système de monopole ! Telle est la cible de la guerre totale pour le changement en Haïti. L'insécurité et les gangs ne sont que des épiphénomènes souvent instrumentalisés par les professionnels de la subversion et/ou par ceux qui cherchent à provoquer une transition longue en vue d'exercer le pouvoir sans passer par des élections libres et démocratiques.


 Cyrus Sibert,

#LeReCit @reseaucitadelle

reseaucitadelle@yahoo.fr

16 Janvier 2021

WhatsApp : + 509 3686 9669

samedi 25 décembre 2021

What It Means to See Jesus.-

A new book, at once skeptical and devotional, considers visions of Christ from the early days of Christianity to the present.


By Casey Cep
December 24, 2021

A young man once told me that he had seen the face of Jesus in the trunk of a chestnut tree, the bark moving as if it were flesh. An older woman told me that Christ had appeared to her in the afternoon light that poured through her hospital window. A father who was dying of lung cancer confided that he had looked up at a crucifix years ago in a church and watched as the body hanging there writhed and wriggled, coming alive before his eyes; it had been so terrifying that he had never previously told anyone.

I cherish such stories, and collect them the way others do rare works of art or first editions or vintage cars. Even secondhand stories will do, which is why I took so much pleasure from Robert Hudson’s “Seeing Jesus: Visionary Encounters from the First Century to the Present.” Images of Jesus are all around us, but Hudson’s book is about people who claim to have really seen Jesus, the way the disciples did in the days and years after his death—crucifixion wounds fresh, descending and ascending from heaven onto hilltops, blinding rays of lights all about him: the sort of psychologically upending seeing we do in our lives from time to time, as when we see our ex-husband and go ashen, or see our future wife and blush.

Hudson’s book is organized according to two taxonomies: types of seers (disciples, ascetics, mystics, trailblazers, and moderns) and types of seeing (appearances, apparitions, and visions). The first of these taxonomies is essentially a chronology, which starts with those who saw Christ shortly after his death and ends with contemporary seers. It’s less useful than the second taxonomy, which is borrowed from mystical studies and offers a way of organizing these kinds of sightings. What Hudson calls appearances are communal visions, with more than one person seeing the same image of Jesus at the same time; apparitions are when Jesus seems to be present in the physical world, as though anyone can see him, yet only the visionary actually does so; with visions, the visionary alone can see Jesus, and is fully aware that no one else can.

Hudson begins with early witnesses, those who saw the risen Christ in the years immediately following his resurrection: the apostle Thomas, who touched his crucifixion wounds; the disciples who met him while travelling, first Cleopas on the way to Emmaus and then Paul on the way to Damascus; and John of Patmos, whose apocalyptic writings appear in the Book of Revelation. These are all canonical accounts, familiar to anyone who has even cursorily read the New Testament. But Hudson follows them with accounts of slightly more obscure ascetics, such as Anthony of Egypt, one of the so-called Desert Fathers, whose monastic life included visions of Christ as light that banished the beasts and demons said to torment him; Martin of Tours, who went on to become the patron saint of conscientious objectors after dreaming of Jesus and leaving the Roman army in order to become a monk; and Jerome, whose life as a scholar was altered by a vision of Christ, after which he renounced secular literature.

The section on mystics centers on four fascinating figures, the most familiar of which is Francis of Assisi. The other three are women, known today for their drawings, music, and writing: Hildegard of Bingen, Julian of Norwich, and Margery Kempe. Here, Hudson more directly confronts the academic literature on visionary experiences, including the straightforwardly physiological explanations offered by some scholars. Oliver Sacks, for instance, in his account of Hildegard, describes the ecstatic, multisensory visions that she had of lights, stars, blazing fires, and human figures as “a shower of phosphenes in transit across the visual field, their passage being succeeded by a negative scotoma.” In layman’s terms, she suffered from migraines.

In addition to medical accounts, psychological explanations for such visions abound. Many of these explanations cite pareidolia, the tendency to impose meaning where there isn’t any—often by seeing faces in inanimate objects, such as a man in the moon. In this vein, and in the last few decades alone, Jesus has appeared in, among other things, apples, ice cream, grilled cheese, pancakes, potato chips, pizza, pierogis, pita bread, pretzels, fish sticks, Cheetos, and, perhaps most famously, a tortilla.

Hudson doesn’t bother with many of these culinary sightings, but he does convey the eagerness of Christians across the centuries for encounters with Jesus. And he has a knack for unearthing facts that animate the distant past—for example, the highest-earning athlete in world history likely isn’t Michael Jordan or Tiger Woods but Gaius Appuleius Diocles, a second-century Roman charioteer. Said fact is produced in service of an introduction to the hermits, anchorites, and stylites whose paradoxical celebrity attests to the fascination that the Christian world had for asceticism beginning in the fourth century.

The best chapters of “Seeing Jesus” are close considerations of single visionaries and close readings of the direct testimonies that they left behind, such as the four devoted to his quartet of medieval mystics—or the one focussed on John of Patmos, which is titled “Voom!” and begins, curiously enough, with a lesson on hermeneutics centered on “The Cat in the Hat.” Those stand in contrast to more hurried chapters, including one that contains a cursory account of Sojourner Truth’s visions, padded by boilerplate biography and stock political commentary, and another that, like a spiritual clown car, packs the lives of Emanuel Swedenborg, Jacob Boehme, George Fox, Mother Ann Lee, Public Universal Friend, Ignatius of Loyola, Teresa of Ávila, and John of the Cross into a dozen and a half pages.

“Seeing Jesus” is more devotional than analytical. Hudson calls it an “anecdotal history,” one that will “take each story of seeing Jesus at face value, neither believing nor disbelieving and claiming no more for them than the person claimed for himself or herself.” The book, with its study-group-like prose, will strike some secular readers as too credulous and some devout readers as too incredulous; it lacks the revelatory strangeness of something like “Visions and Appearances of Jesus,” the philosopher Phillip H. Wiebe’s clinical account of twenty-eight contemporary “encounter experiences.”

For more than thirty years, Hudson edited books for Zondervan, one of the Christian publishing divisions of HarperCollins, and “Seeing Jesus” is published by Broadleaf Books, an imprint owned by the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America. Other denominations have publishing divisions, too; Zondervan, which publishes some three hundred books and Bibles every year, was started by two nephews of William B. Eerdmans, whose own independent Christian publishing company still exists. It is not always obvious from the best-seller lists that run in the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal, but Christian publishing is a billion-dollar business, with Zondervan selling some thirty million copies each of such titles as Hal Lindsey and Carole Carlson’s “The Late Great Planet Earth” and Rick Warren’s “The Purpose Driven Life.”

Hudson’s reluctance to legitimatize any or all of the visions that he has chosen to include is curious in a book with a markedly faithful tone, published by a religious press. He notes his own Christian faith, and confesses to yearning for a vision of Christ, yet he is skeptical of all such visions. He begins his book with a memory from childhood of a chalk artist—if not Esther Frye, then someone like her—who went around giving “chalk talks,” in which she used a handful of colors to draw and narrate stories from scripture on a chalkboard while also sharing her own testimony. As a young woman, the artist said, she had once prayed while looking at the trees in her back yard, only to have Christ’s face appear before her, blinding her to anything but his features, then hovering smaller and smaller in her field of vision for months after he’d first appeared. “I was gripped by her presentation but cautious,” Hudson remembers, “and the fact is, I didn’t believe her. And may God forgive me, I still don’t.”

Skepticism may well be the prudent response to such a presentation or any other visionary claim, but it sometimes makes “Seeing Jesus” a little tepid. Hudson seldom outright endorses and never outright debunks any of the visionaries in his book, even when his own characterizations of them seem to demand it, as with his description of the extravagant life style and scurrilous fund-raising tactics of televangelist Oral Roberts. Still, at its core, “Seeing Jesus” does have a theological conviction that may intrigue the doubters—and assuage the devout, since it comes directly from Christ. As Hudson writes in his epilogue, “Centuries of Christian thinkers—most of whom were not mystics—have told us that we see the face of Jesus every day, walking the streets of every city, in the face of every person.” He quotes Nicholas of Cusa, who wrote: “In all faces is seen the Face of faces, veiled, and in a riddle.” The riddle is the judgment that Jesus shares in the Gospel of Matthew, when he says that on Judgment Day the righteous will be separated from the unrighteous, as a shepherd separates the sheep from the goats. They will be judged, Jesus says, according to how they treated the least of their brethren, for, as the German theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer later explicated, “he comes in the form of the beggar, of the dissolute human child in ragged clothes, asking for help. He confronts you in every person that you meet. As long as there are people, Christ will walk the earth as your neighbor, as the one through whom God calls you, speaks to you, makes demands on you.”

Most Christians understand this to mean that if they were to see Jesus, he would not look like the man in Warner Sallman’s famous painting or the seated figure in Leonardo da Vinci’s “The Last Supper.” The visions of Jesus that Christians are explicitly told to look for are not supernatural or spectral but humble and human: we are commanded to look for Christ in the faces of one another. Even if Hudson isn’t sure what to make of all the visions in his book, he believes this, too, and ends “Seeing Jesus” with a story from the pandemic, when he meets a panhandler outside a café and cannot help but want to help him, partly because he has been thinking so much about what it means to see Christ.

After handing over a twenty dollar bill, Hudson asks the man his name: Josh, he says as he walks away—the Anglicized form of Yeshua, the Hebrew name of Jesus. “The skeptic in me says, ‘How’d you know it was him?’ ” Hudson writes, in the last lines of the book. “The mystic in me says, ‘How do you know it wasn’t?’ ”