samedi 8 janvier 2011

Liberating Our Americas From Political Imposture at the OAS!

Liberating Our Americas

From Political Imposture at the OAS!

 

The OAS' disregard for the Inter-American Democratic Charter, in practice, and as demonstrated in Haiti, causes tensions within internal borders and between nations in our hemisphere, and threatens regional stability, as well as international peace and security.

 

Joel R Deeb

CEO

Omega World News

January 08, 2011

 

When we first heard of Ambassador Ricardo Seitenfus' reported political adventure some days ago, he was a star who had just made the news for his sensational revelations in an interview with an European media, in which he portrayed his employer, the Organization of American States (OAS), as well as the United Nations mission of stabilization in Haiti, as villains with nothing good up their sleeves for the suffering people of Haiti.[1]  Because he was the OAS special representative in Haiti, Mr. Seitenfus' remarks surprised many with his candid explanations of why Haiti continues to serve as an excuse for international bureaucrats to spend a mammoth amount of taxpayer's money, in billions of dollars, on furthering their own interests, while cozying up with the rich and the politically powerful.

 

  Most striking, were Mr.  Seitenfus' own words citing Haiti as the perfect example of the international community's general policy failures in providing assistance in matters political and economic to nations aspiring to a democratic future.  Said Mr. Seitenfus, in essence, not only is the international community's intervention in Haiti not helping, it is actually making things worse.[2]   For politically savvy Haitians, Mr. Seitenfus' utterances broke no new grounds.  Members of the first and most popular Haitian political forum on the internet,[3] www.haitianpolitics@yahoogroups.com, will surely remember the illuminating articles published on the subject by personalities like the late Dr. Gerard Etienne,[4] a linguist, journalist, writer, novelist and poet,  Mr. Ray Killick, an engineer, researcher and writer, and Omega's own economist, Professor Parnell Duverger, as far back as the year 2005, when, together, they articulated the need for a re-foundation of the Haitian state for liberty, representative democracy and wealth accumulation, in a new culture of freedom[5] and a new culture of execution,[6] as the pillars of a quiet, bloodless, behavioral or attitudinal revolution[7] seeking to transform Haiti into a successful free society.

 

Seitenfus betrays the undemocratic mindset at the OAS

 

Our interest in Mr. Seitenfus' revelations about the goals, policies and attitudes of the international community in Haiti, centers on one statement made by the former OAS special representative in Haiti during a second interview he gave on his own turf, Brazil.  In this latter conversation with a Brazilian journalist, Mr. Seitenfus purported to better explain some of the issues he raised in his earlier coup de theatre, that eventually cost him his job, as he was recalled within days of his sensational first interview, widely circulated on the internet, and after which he was advised to take a vacation just two or three months before his assignment ends in Haiti.  In his second interview in Brazil, Mr. Seitenfus is reported to have said in a high level meeting convened on November 28, 2010, to manage the post-elections crisis in Haiti, that removing President Preval from office would amount to a coup d'etat.  If this report is true, not only is Mr. Seitenfus absolutely wrong, his fallacious statement also shows how misguided, anti-democratic, and dangerous for international security and peace, is this mindset that has caused the OAS to openly turn its back on democratic values and governance since the early 1990s, creating tensions within national borders and between nations in societies which, in our hemisphere, are aspiring to join the free world for democratic and economic progress. Haiti, indeed, is a case in point.

 

Haiti in the 1990's:  The worm in the fruit.

 

            On December 16, 1990, a new crop of neo-Marxist theologians of liberation won the general elections in Haiti, and formed the first government, inaugurated on February 7, 1991, under the nation's new constitution of 1987.[8]  Five years after the Duvalier dictatorial dynasty crumbled on February 7, 1986, the democratic transition process in Haiti appeared to be well underway, but would soon prove to be short lived.  At the center of a major political and constitutional crisis provoked by the new government of February 1991 was none other than Mr. Rene Preval, the current and controversial[9] president of Haiti, whose choice as the first Prime Minister of Haiti, back then (02/1991), violated a key provision of the new constitution of 1987.

 

Democracy or "mobocracy"?

 

The constitution called for the Prime Minister to be selected from the roster of the political party holding the elected majority in the Haitian parliament.  That majority was held by the FNCD (National Front for Concertation and Democracy), of which would-be Prime Minister Rene Preval was not a member, as mandated by the constitution.  The parliamentary majority protested, called for strict respect of the constitution, and refused to invite an unconstitutional Prime Minister into their chamber to submit his government's Action Plan, for a vote of confidence or a repudiation, in fulfillment of a constitutional requirement.  Mr. Rene Preval and the President of the Republic who selected him as Prime Minister in a clear and open challenge to the constitution, refused to back down.   Within weeks, the conflict would grow more intense and uglier when elected members of the new national Haitian legislature suffered punishing physical attacks by an enraged mob unleashed by the Head of State and the Head of Government.   The attacks against parliamentarians inaugurated what many Haitians call democracy be the mob or "mobocracy," because a violent mob would be at hand in all circumstances, ready to punish dissenters and support the actions of the unconstitutional government, however illegal.

 

An unconstitutional government turns criminal

 

To make matters worse, evidences of illegal arrests of members of the old regime, as well as extra-judicial killings, began to emerge, in addition to the fiery and incendiary speeches by leaders of the unconstitutional government, inciting the masses to commit acts of violence against life and private property, including the gruesome and unpunished public execution of anyone who dared criticize the new government, by spraying such individuals with gasoline, with a tire around their necks, and turning them into a fireball.   Violent mobs marched on and invaded the different public administration offices, removing senior and midlevel managers by force, and replacing them by people whose only credentials were their activism on behalf of the President of the Republic and his unconstitutional Prime Minister.  Total chaos descended upon Haiti, accompanied by frequent and spontaneous mob violence against members of dissenting political parties and the "bourgeois capitalists."  As Minister of Interior, and Head of his unconstitutional government's new secret police, Prime Minister Rene Preval was also reported to have conducted or participated in the illegal arrest and torture of innocent citizens, whose only crime had been to denounce his government's abuses of state powers and open violations of the nation's constitution and laws of the land.

 

Abuses of power lead to political disaster

Fearing the worse, the constellation of the nation's political forces grew uneasy, even terrified and looked toward the Haitian military to restore law and order.  Following a mob attack on two military outposts, in which soldiers were killed and their bodies set afire, the Haitian Armed Forces acted to end the reigning anarchy, widespread violence against private property, and the increasing number of extra-judicial killings of defenseless citizens.  Sent into exile, the neo-Marxist ideologues of the new theology of liberation, who assumed the powers of the state in February 1991 with an unconstitutional government led by Prime Minister Rene Preval, began a costly campaign of lies and deceit that attempted to sway international public opinion in their favor.  On this subject, Omega's chief economist, Professor Parnell Duverger wrote:

 

"Fanned by President Jimmy Carter's human rights activism through American diplomacy, the winds of freedom and democracy swept away entrenched dictatorships throughout the world, in Latin America and the Caribbean particularly.  The Soviet Union imploded and, closer to us, Cuba started to experience a new, serious and enduring wave of dissidence accompanied by the usual crackdown, while Nicaragua's communist experiment revealed itself to be the failure predicted not only by the science of economics, but also by worldwide historical events, both old and new.  At that precise historical moment, however, something different and significant was being crafted in the Republic of Haiti, the poorest country in our hemisphere.  There, neo-communist theologians of liberation were busy trying to save an erroneous system of thought and a failed system of government, that they were determined to impose upon their citizens. Their main and very successful weapon to this day:  a communication masterpiece that we may call the democracy double-talk."[10]

 

Democracy double-talk:  The new Haitian model of dictatorship[11]

 

            Thus began the greatest political fraud of modern times, in a clever assault against liberty and the democratic system of representative government, masterminded by Haiti's neo-Marxist theologians of liberation, and executed with the help of international accomplices, many of whom are international political mercenaries posing as bureaucrats representing organizations of the world or of our hemisphere, the establishment of which purported to protect our people precisely against the type of dictators who had hijacked the democratic process in Haiti, and used their electoral legitimacy to subvert and undermine their nation's constitutional order and the rule of law.  In the words of Professor Duverger:

 

"The democracy double-talk works in the simplest of ways.  Its aim is to promote as a benevolent reformist government battling not just its enemies but those of democracy itself, a brutal dictatorship actually carrying out a violent and bloody Marxist-type anti-market anti-capitalist revolution made nearly invisible through extending over a very long period of time the murder of their political opponents and targeted members of the bourgeois elite class, in crimes of unspeakable violence and cruelty that are passed off as isolated incidents and/or the work of common criminals who are never found to be arrested and face justice … Thus, the immediate purge [of the enemies of the revolution] that took place in only a few months during other red revolutions around the world has been going on for nearly 20 years now in Haiti."[12]

 

Hear no evil, see no evil

 

            International bureaucrats descended upon Haiti to restore to power an elected executive that had created an unconstitutional government.  The OAS and the U.N. kept sending a long string of missions that remained oblivious to the simple facts of the situation:  the democratic process in Haiti had been hijacked by elected dictators.  The theologians of liberation's campaign of deceit worked like a charm, however, aided by powerful friends in the international community. As Professor Duverger remarked:

 

"As the country reels under their barbarism, corruption and shameless misappropriation of public funds, the democracy double talkers of Haiti show up in international gatherings at the United Nations or the Organization of American States, for example, to deliver speeches in which the word democracy appears only in dubious contexts that allow every listener to pick his or her own interpretation.  Never would they tell their audience that their brand of governance has everything to do with the brutal methods of the People's Democratic Republics practiced in the old communist dictatorships of yesteryear, still in vogue in today's North Korea, Cuba, as well as with other rogue regimes in Nicaragua, Venezuela and Iran, to name a few."[13]

 

            By the year 1994, the elected dictator of Haiti was returned to his political office, right along with his unconstitutional government turned outlaw that had interrupted constitutional order and created political chaos and violence never seen before in the turbulent history of Haiti.   A new political paradigm was born in the Americas, fully supported by the OAS, and Haiti was its model: to be branded democratic, a government only has to be led by an elected president.  Elections are now all that matter and democratic governance is no longer necessary for a government to earn democratic credentials.  The international community (read the OAS and the U.N.) used Haiti to redefine democracy away from the standards of the free world, and toward those of the people's republic of North Korea, Cuba and today's Venezuela.  As long elections are held in Haiti, no matter how fraudulent, says the new political paradigm, it will be called a democracy.  Peddling this new paradigm, beginning in 1991 or 1992 was Mr. Colin Granderson, an international bureaucrat aligned with the elected dictators of Haiti, who never heard any evil or saw any evil in his friends' repeated violations of Haiti's constitution and laws of the land, or in their gruesome violations of human rights in that nation, or in the fraudulent elections they would staged to succeed themselves in power.   Mr. Granderson became a fixture in Haiti's series of fraudulent elections of the last two decades, always delivering the same verdict:  "a few irregularities and even some isolated cases of voter intimidation were observed, but on the whole the elections were a success and their results are valid."  Amen. 

 

 

Ricardo Seitenfus: In defense of a bankrupt political imposture

 

            As demonstrated in this article, President Rene Preval is no stranger to the paralysis of the democratic process in Haiti.  As Prime Minister of a government whose very existence was unconstitutional when it was established in February of 1991, Mr. Rene Preval's actions created the first of a long series of major political crises of increasing severity in Haiti, all of which showing the same pattern of undemocratic governance in violation of the constitution, accompanied by serious violations of human rights.  Aided by international bureaucrats like Mr. Colin Granderson, Mr. Rene Preval contributed to the emergence of a new political paradigm in the Americas, since 1991, that reduces democracy to elections, however fraudulent, and also reduces constitutional order to the full completion of an elected president's legal term in office.[14]  According to this new political paradigm, once elected, a president cannot be removed from office no matter how egregious his crimes against his nation's constitution, democratic institutions and the human, civil, and property rights of private citizens.  No matter how criminal the activities of an elected president, removing him or her from office is said to amount to a coup d'etat.[15]  Of such political imposture, Omega's Professor Duverger once remarked:

 

So, when representative democratic government is threatened by elected officials turned petty dictators who seek to defeat or subvert the very democratic process that legitimizes their executive or legislative authority, and act to undermine constitutional order and violate established laws, to compromise the integrity of a democratic electoral process and falsify elections results, to silence a free press and seize control of independent media, or restrict individual freedoms, use violence against a constitutional opposition and destroy the institutions of liberty, of which a free market economy remains an essential pillar, just what then can society do to protect itself before it's too late?  Shouldn't society take swift, effective and perhaps even forceful counteraction to defeat such emergent tyranny, be it in its infancy, as soon as it raises its ugly head and before it could devour the freedoms, rights and hopes of the citizenry?[16]

 

A threat to political stability, international security and peace

 

The political imposture in vogue in the international community (read the OAS and the U.N.) just described in this article, and to which are associated international bureaucrats like Ambassadors Colin Granderson, Edmund Mulet and Ricardo Seitenfus, threaten the internal stability of nations, as well as international security and peace.   Such a flawed political model also represents an assault on the political philosophy and the principles of democratic governance practiced in the free world, the values of which have endowed free societies with liberty, individual rights and economic abundance    never seen before in the entire history of mankind.

 

A threat to the internal stability of nations

 

            The political imposture that reduces representative democracy to the moral equivalent of the leftist dictatorships known as the People's Republic of the former Soviet Union and present day North Korea, also offers the paradox of the combined presence of anarchy and authoritarianism.  In our Americas, it began in 1991 with the unconstitutional and criminal government of Prime Minister Rene Preval, the democracy double-talk of which received full support from the democracy revisionists disguised as international bureaucrats who took control of Haiti as a proxy in a new cold war against the free world and its leader, the United States of America.[17]  This challenge to the free world brought the democratic process to a screeching halt in Haiti, with the rise to political power of the neo-Marxist theologians of liberation.  Since then, Haiti remains the theater of chronic political instability, nurtured by an unending succession of undemocratic governments, the violence and continued abuses of human rights of which have been cleverly camouflaged in the kidnappings and murders attributed to common criminals.  The political imposture template developed and refined in Haiti has been used in use in Venezuela and Bolivia, for example, where internal political tensions are also growing.

 

            In Haiti, there has not been a single election with Rene Preval at the helm that has not been accompanied by massive frauds and falsified results.[18]  In one of the most notorious, the top official of the electoral council in charge of the electoral process, attorney Leon Manus, chose political refuge and exile in the United States where he still lives, rather than proclaiming the cooked up results ordered by President Preval.[19]  The attempted electoral coup d'etat of November 28, 2010 in Haiti is only the most recent blatant criminal behavior of President Rene Preval, for whom Haiti's constitution has until now been reduced to one article, 134-1, which states that the president is elected for a five year term in office.  In early January 2011, however, President Preval had signaled his intention to break new ground in his violations of Haiti's constitution, by extending his term beyond the constitutional date of February 7, 2011.  An open question is whether the Colin Grandersons, Edmund Mulet, Ricardo Seitneful and consorts of the world will encourage the international community (read the OAS and the U.N.) to also follow President Preval down that road, with impunity.

 

A threat to international security and peace

 

            As I argued in previous articles, because Haitians are unable to choose their leaders in free, honest, transparent and credible elections, they vote with their feet by migrating legally or illegally to neighborhood nations.  The illegal side of that migration is particularly worrisome, given the lawless nature of Haitian society, nurtured by the neo-Marxist theologians of liberation, which makes the Caribbean nation vulnerable to infiltration by terrorists and a breeding ground from which the latter can be exported to the Dominican Republic and the United States, two flagships of the free world.  This, of course, represents a major threat to international security, with incalculable consequences.  In this regard, President Preval's very warm new relationships with Iran's Ahmadinejad should remain of great concern.

 

Moreover, by blocking the democratic development of their nation, and nurturing unspeakable violence against their defenseless citizens, business personalities in particular, the theologians of liberation have made it impossible for a free and competitive market to perform the miracle of economic prosperity Haitians hope for.  So, lacking economic opportunities for its citizens, Haiti continues to export its unemployed men and w omen toward neighborhood nations, creating new tensions as the latter try to protect the social infrastructures built for their own citizens, with great economic sacrifice.

 

In conclusion, Mr. Ricardo Seitenfus' unhelpful remarks branding as a coup d'etat the forcible removal of President Preval, who has committed a great number of egregious crimes against his country's constitution, public institutions and citizens, constitute a prime example of the political imposture practiced by the international community (read the OAS and the U.N.), that has facilitated the spread of undemocratic regimes throughout Latin America, since 1991, in addition to paralyzing the democratic process in Haiti.  The time has come for the free world to repudiate and combat this imposture wherever in the world this monstrous and retrograde tool of dictatorships shows up to challenge liberty, individual rights, representative democracy and the economic opportunities offered by the free and competitive economic market as an institution of freedom.

 

Joel R Deed, CEO

Omega World News

January 7, 2011

 



[1] This is the substantive content of an interview given to the Swiss daily newspaper "Le Temps" by Ambassador Ricardo Seitenfus, Special Representative of the OAS, as published by the newspaper on December 21, 2010.

[2] Seitenfus, op. cit.

[3] Widely popular among Haitians, www.haitianpolitics@yahoogroups.com is believed to hold over 50% of all memberships in Haitian internet fora.

[4]The late Dr. Gerard Etienne's passing was mourned in 2009 by all Haitian intellectuals as an incommensurable loss for his native Haiti, and by Canadian intellectuals in Quebec and Moncton as a major loss for the world of linguistics and journalism, in which he excelled in addition to his work as a novelist and poet.

[5] Economist and Professor Parnell Duverger is recognized in the Haitian internet fora, and as Chairman of Omega World News at www.omegamilitaryconsultant.com for his relentless and passionate campaign promoting a culture of freedom, the institutions of liberty, and a free and competitive market economy for the development of representative democracy, individual rights and freedoms, and the creation of economic wealth in his native Haiti.  Professor Duverger has been quoted by important institutions such as the U.S. Treasury Department and Accuracy in Media, among others.

[6] Recognized as one of the best analyst and scientific commentator of his native Haiti, Engineer Ray Killick, the grandson of a Haitian national hero, also gained prominence in the Haitian internet fora for his advocacy of a culture of execution for effectiveness and efficiency in the necessary re-foundation of his native Haiti, as well as for the process of wealth creation in that nation.

[7]Dr. Gerard Etienne's advocacy of a quiet, attitudinal revolution to transform Haiti, has been enriched by the contributions of Professor Parnell Duverger (culture of freedom) and Eng. Ray Killick (culture of execution).  Dr. Etienne, Duverger and Killick worked together at www.haitianpolitics@yayoogroups.com, to articulate a most hopeful vision of a free and prosperous Haiti.

[8] The Haitian constitution of 1987 created an executive branch of government led by the President of the Republic as the Head of State, and an appointed Prime Minister, as Head of Government, each having very specific constitutional duties.  The neo-Marxists theologians of liberation who won these elections had initially opposed both the elections and the new constitution of 1987.

[9] Mr. Rene Preval was given the presidency of Haiti in February 2006 use of the manipulation of blank votes, counted creatively by the Haitian Electoral Council in violation of that institution's own electoral law, in order to avoid a second round with candidate Dr. Lesly Manigat.  President Rene Preval is also controversial for his repeated violations of Haiti's constitutions and other laws of the land.

[10] Duverger, Parnell.  "Preserving Liberty, Representative Democracy, Economic Opportunities, and Hopes for Prosperity in the Americas," www.omegamilitaryconsultant.com , December 24, 2009, re-published December 10, 2009.

[11] Duverger, op. cit.

[12] Ibid

[13] Ibid

[14] For all practical purposes, Mr. Preval and his friends of the OAS and the U.N. have reduced the Haitian constitution to a single article document, art. 134-1, which states that the president's term in office is five years.  The constitution of 1987 contains a total of 298 articles, 297 of which, in the eyes of the President of Haiti and his international friends, do not even exist.

[15] See Ricardo Seitenfus' new remarks made in a second sensational interview given to the Brazilian newspaper "Folha do Brazil" on December 29, 2010.  Such a statement is in keeping with the political imposture that reduces democracy to elections, however fraudulent, giving a free reign to our region's new crop of dictators who violate their nation's constitution and commit other crimes, while expecting to remain unaccountable for their actions.  Removing such criminals from office is branded a coup d'etat.  Holders of this perverted notion of democracy include international bureaucrats Colin Granderson and Edmund Mulet.

[16] Duverger, op. cit.

[17] Since becoming the world's sole superpower, the United States has favored sharing responsibilities for the defense of freedom and representative democracy with regional organizations.  In a very perverse way, the OAS has used American benevolence against the United States in a conspiracy aiming to spread leftist radicalism on the American continent, and using Haiti as proxy in a new cold war against the free world.  The mistaken belief that ideology is no longer important as a result of the demise of the Soviet Union, may have caused the United States to lower its guard in Latin America and the Caribbean.  For more on this subject, see Mr. Joel Deeb's article entitled "A Word to the U.N. and to the New OAS: Fight Your Battle Against Democracy Openly and Elsewhere" in www.omegamilitaryconsultant.com , November 22, 2010, re-published December 23, 2010.

[18] See Analyst and Democracy Activist Stanley Lucas' impressive research in http://solutionshaiti.blogspot.com

[19] Lucas, S., op. cit.

=====================================================

Haitian-American Joel R Deeb 

A Professional Political Consultant with over 20 years experience providing sound analysis, interpretation, problem solving skills land public policy recommendations for solving various political problems that affect national security, public safety and the effectiveness of government, Chairman and CEO, Omega Military Consultant, 1994 – Present Analyst, Strategic Studies / Counter Terrorism Action Plan, Latin America 1980 – Present Vice-President, Caribbean Communications Corp., 1991 – 1993. Board Member, International Fruit Basket Corp., 1979 – 1983.Board Member, Sea Food Maritime Exports Inc., 1979 – 1980. Founder and Team Leader, Hector Riobe  Anti-Duvalier Front, 1980 – 1986.Member, Haitian League for Human Rights, 1979 – 1980.Analyst, Strategic Studies / Counter Terrorism, Caribbean Region, Asia/Africa, 1979. Research : New Technologies for Defense and Collective Security in 2004 ... Member of the Haitian American Disaster Relief Committee 2010…Haiti Security Report 40th Annual Congressional Black Caucus Legislative Conference Issue:  "Haiti, Finding the Path to Redevelopment" 2010…Sierra Leone Protective Services 2010...

____________________

"La vraie reconstruction d'Haïti passe par des réformes en profondeur des structures de l'État pour restaurer la confiance, encourager les investisseurs et mettre le peuple au travail. Il faut finir avec cette approche d'un État paternaliste qui tout en refusant de créer le cadre approprié pour le développement des entreprises mendie des millions sur la scène internationale en exhibant la misère du peuple." Cyrus Sibert
Reconstruction d'Haïti : A quand les Réformes structurelles?
Haïti : La continuité du système colonial d'exploitation  prend la forme de monopole au 21e Siècle.
WITHOUT REFORM, NO RETURN ON INVESTMENT IN HAITI (U.S. Senate report.)

Gérard Gourgue soutient que le scrutin est frappé de nullité absolue

Gérard Gourgue soutient que le scrutin est frappé de nullité absolue

L'éminent juriste haïtien Gérard Gourgue soutient qu'il y a des rasions acceptables pour que les élections présidentielles et législatives du 28 novembre soient annulées. Outre des cas de fraudes, M. Gourgue signale l'intervention d'individus armés dans les centres de vote.

Critiquant l'intervention d'une mission d'experts de l'OEA dans le processus électoral, l'ex bâtonnier de Port-au-Prince estime qu'il s'agit d'un crime de lèse patrie. Tenant compte du scandale provoqué par le scrutin contesté Maitre Gourgue affirme que du point de vue morale les élections sont frappées de nullité absolue. « Il n'y a aucune gloire a été élu dans des conditions suspectes, martèle le juriste ancien candidat à la présidence.

Dans une interview à radio Métropole, M. Gourgue a rappelé que le mandat du chef de l'Etat s'achève le 7 février de sa cinquième année. Le 7 février est indiscutable, lance le juriste faisant remarquer que cette date n'est nullement liée à celle de l'entree en fonction du chef de l'Etat.

Réagissant aux argumentaires du président Préval, l'ex bâtonnier de Port-au-Prince a soutenu que les éléments d'une conjoncture ne peuvent avoir le pas sur la constitution.

LLM / radio Métropole Haïti

____________________

"La vraie reconstruction d'Haïti passe par des réformes en profondeur des structures de l'État pour restaurer la confiance, encourager les investisseurs et mettre le peuple au travail. Il faut finir avec cette approche d'un État paternaliste qui tout en refusant de créer le cadre approprié pour le développement des entreprises mendie des millions sur la scène internationale en exhibant la misère du peuple." Cyrus Sibert
Reconstruction d'Haïti : A quand les Réformes structurelles?
Haïti : La continuité du système colonial d'exploitation  prend la forme de monopole au 21e Siècle.
WITHOUT REFORM, NO RETURN ON INVESTMENT IN HAITI (U.S. Senate report.)

U.S. shifts stance, open to new Haiti vote

U.S. shifts stance, open to new Haiti vote


As the United States awaits the findings of a review of vote tallies from the disputed Haitian election, leaders say they might consider supporting a new vote.

BY LESLEY CLARK AND JACQUELINE CHARLES


lclark@MiamiHerald.com

 

WASHINGTON -- The Obama administration said Friday it might be able to support tossing out the results of Haiti's disputed presidential election if that is the course called for in a soon-to-be released international review.

 

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's chief of staff, Cheryl Mills, said the agency is awaiting the findings from a team of election experts convened by the Organization of American States to examine vote tallies.

 

Should the panel call for canceling the elections and scheduling a do-over, Mills said ``we obviously would be interested to understand how they came to those conclusions, would want to review whether or not those conclusions . . . we thought we, too, could support.

 

``All those are things we would be prepared to entertain, but I wouldn't be able to tell you what we would do, obviously, because until we know what they concluded and how they concluded it, we're not in the best position to be able to do that,'' she said.

 

Twelve of the 19 candidates on the Nov. 28 presidential ballot have pressed for the elections to be canceled, citing ``massive fraud.'' At issue is whether current President René Préval's choice, Jude Célestin, garnered enough votes to defeat musician Michel ``Sweet Micky'' Martelly and advance to a runoff against former first lady Mirlande Manigat.

 

Preliminary tallies showed Célestin beating Martelly by several thousand votes.

 

The resulting furor over the election has hampered efforts to fight cholera, sparked tension among a population preparing to commemorate the first anniversary of the earthquake that killed an estimated 300,000 and overshadowed reconstruction.

 

For days, unconfirmed rumors have circulated about the findings in the final report, which is expected to be delivered to Préval either over the weekend or next week.

 

Mills' remarks are a shift for the U.S., which previously has expressed a preference for Préval to pass the presidential sash over to an elected government.

 

U.S. Ambassador to Haiti Kenneth Merten told The Miami Herald last month that the U.S. didn't favor a transitional government that would rule Haiti during a new electoral process.

 

Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive told The Miami Herald last week that one of the best legacies of his and Préval's government would be handing over rule to an elected government, rather than a provisional one.

 

``We have to come out of the crisis with a result that is not putting too much at stake -- the stability that we have reached the last four years,'' Bellerive said.

 

After Haiti's electoral council announced last month that Célestin and Manigat garnered the most votes, presumably putting them in the runoff, Martelly's supporters spent three days setting the capital and major Haitian cities ablaze and destroying businesses.

 

The fear of violence continues to loom.

 

The decision on whether to accept the OAS results falls to Préval, who asked for the OAS review last month.

 

Mills' remarks, which came at a briefing scheduled on progress in Haiti, followed a White House meeting Thursday in which more than a dozen Haitian Americans cautioned Vice President Joe Biden against supporting the results of the disputed election.

 

``Forcing a runoff with the results of that election is not going to be advantageous to Haiti or the United States,'' said Jean-Robert Lafortune, chairman of the Haitian-American Grassroots Coalition. ``We would spend five more years in political turmoil.''

 

Mills declined to say whether the U.S. would support Préval remaining in office beyond his term. Under an agreement with the Haitian Senate, Préval could remain in office until May 14 if no president has been elected.

 

Haiti's constitution calls for a new president to assume office every five years on Feb. 7 but it also allows an elected president to serve out a five-year mandate. For Préval, five years would end on May 14.

 

The OAS review, said Mills, ``will actually help shape whether or not there can be and on what timeline there would be a transitional government.''

 

Daniel Supplice, a political advisor to Martelly, said Friday that ``if everyone agrees that the fraud is so massive that the elections should be re-done, then we would support it.''

 

Manigat, in an interview on local Haitian radio, said she would only favor a transitional government to finish the election cycle already started. She does not support a do-over, as other candidates have suggested.

 

Célestin said he would ``respect the legal process and whatever [legal authorities] say must happen.''

____________________

"La vraie reconstruction d'Haïti passe par des réformes en profondeur des structures de l'État pour restaurer la confiance, encourager les investisseurs et mettre le peuple au travail. Il faut finir avec cette approche d'un État paternaliste qui tout en refusant de créer le cadre approprié pour le développement des entreprises mendie des millions sur la scène internationale en exhibant la misère du peuple." Cyrus Sibert
Reconstruction d'Haïti : A quand les Réformes structurelles?
Haïti : La continuité du système colonial d'exploitation  prend la forme de monopole au 21e Siècle.
WITHOUT REFORM, NO RETURN ON INVESTMENT IN HAITI (U.S. Senate report.)

Colin Granderson, executioner and undertaker of Haitian democracy./ Colin Granderson, bourreau et fossoyeur de la d mocratie ha tienne. / Cyrus Sibert

Colin Granderson, executioner and undertaker of Haitian democracy.

The name of some diplomats makes one shudder. And, shuddering I was, indeed, as a huge part of my reaction to hearing that Colin Granderson would lead a mission to observe the elections in Haiti.

Known by Haitian public opinion for his unwavering support for the dictators who rule Haiti, the man does not enjoy a good press in our country. He is despised in our nation for his lack of reserve in courting the politically powerful without regard for their abusive behavior against the citizens of their own nation. History has shown Mr. Granderson to have earned an unflattering membership in the infamous roster of those Caribbean black men who have managed to miss a golden and reasonable opportunity to elevate their political action to great statesmanship.

I can't help but wonder why this man is still being dispatched on any mission to Haiti.

The diplomat seemingly cultivates a type of procedural democracy, a front void of substantive meaning or consequence, other than his repugnant partisanship that openly favors the abusive dictators of Haiti. Along wih other agents of CARICOM, Granderson has helped cripple the development of Haitian democracy. Such men and women are always at hand to assist the political predators of Haiti whose bad governance has caused great damage to the cause of freedom and democracy in their country and in our region. As petty personalities they never had the courage demonstrated by Ambassador Orlando Marville, for example, to denounce abuses and violations of basic human rights committed by the successive Lavalas governments, which include the lackluster and perverse government of President Rene Preval. On their eyes, former President Aristide had built up his armed gangs that launched his so-called Zero Tolerance campaign, which, in reality, was a fishing expedition aimed at lynching political opponents under the pretext of his government's battle against insecurity.

These pseudo black-brothers-but-pragmatic opportunists who nurture an immorality worthy of the pirates who roamed the seas around their islands in the 16th century, have no compassion for the Haitian people's struggle to modernize the State of Haiti through a democratic system representative government that respects human rights, and offers opportunities for economic and social progress. These so-called Caribbean brothers are all complicit in the abuses and atrocities committed in Haiti during the past 20 years. These Caribbean nations – that remind us of the cannibalistic behavior of Caribbean-Indians who hunted other brotherly tribes – keep sending emissaries in Haiti to carry out their dirty work of consolidation of a predatory and criminal narco-state, from which they continue to make a fortune as low level diplomats easily swayed by the high level of government corruption for which they helped make Haiti infamous.

These so-called brothers of the Caribbean have dishonored their mission and the people they claim to represent, by spending millions of their taxpayers'money in pursuit of obscure and undoubtedly absurd goals that, at the end of the day, appear to serve their own personal interests or professional careers. In a most callous manner, they use the institutional frameworks at their disposal for their professional work, in search of opportunities for personal gain, ready to accept anything to keep their privileges.

Under their leadership, CARICOM and the OAS have become clubs of businessmen that cannot compete with other regional organizations on the planet in conducting the important affairs of member states. For, now in the early 21st century, the inspiring model comes from Africa - with stately management of the electoral crisis in Ivory Coast, and from Asia - where regional organizations have assume some leadership based on universal principles, values and regional interests. These organizations go far beyond the OAS and CARICOM, two mafia-like cartels dominated by corruption at the expense of universal values based on the freedoms and the development of the human person.

The cynicism of these men makes people feel sick in their stomach. t. When, as a Caribbean black man, your name is Colin Granderson, you are presumed to have enough historical perspective to steer your work toward the defense of the poor and the abused, rather than providing a gutless and shameful endorsement of abusive political powers. Like blacks in the plantations used to mistreat their fellow slaves from Africa, Colin Granderson is the executioner of Haitians, a destroyer of our democratic project. His very presence reassures and encourages dictators to go on with their anti-democratic maneuvers against their own people. Groups that dominate the monopoly of state power, stamped by persistent neo-feudalism,see him as an ally for maintaining the status quo ante.

Haitian politicians and representatives of organized civil society in Haiti, must also have the courage to request that unscrupulous individuals like Colin Granderson be declared "persona non grata", and refuse to sit with them and talk with them for fear of being ratted on by such influence seeking international power peddler.

Cyrus Sibert, Cap-Haitien, Haiti

====================================================

Colin Granderson, bourreau et fossoyeur de la démocratie haïtienne.


Il y a des noms de diplomates qui font frémir. Telle était ma réaction en apprenant que Colin Granderson allait diriger une mission d'observation des élections en Haiti.


Cet homme connu dans l'opinion publique haïtienne pour ses accommodements tropicaux n'a pas une bonne presse dans le pays. Il est connu comme un mauvais coucheur toujours au coté du pouvoir en place. Ces hommes, originaires de la caraïbe noire, ont toujours laissé passer l'occasion de se montrer Grand.


Je me demande pourquoi on continue d'envoyer cet homme en mission en Haiti.


Ce diplomate de culture bannière fait de la démocratie procédurale (de façade) une fin. Avec d'autres agents du CARICOM, Granderson a contribué a paralyser le développement de la démocratie haïtienne. Ils sont toujours au coté du pouvoir d'Etat prédateur haïtien. En bons partisans, ils n'ont jamais eu le courage d'Orlando Marville pour dénoncer les abus et violations des droits les plus élémentaires commis par les pouvoirs Lavalas. Sous leurs yeux Aristide avaient construit ses gangs, lancé sa campagne Zéro tolérance qui consistait a lyncher les opposants politiques sous prétexte de lutte contre l'insécurité.


Ces frères-black-opportunistes avec leur morale pragmatique digne des pirates n'ont aucune compassion pour ce peuple qui lutte dans le but de moderniser l'Etat haïtien a travers un système démocratique respectueux des droits fondamentaux. Ils sont complices de tous les abus commis dans ce pays durant ces 20 dernières années. Ces caraïbeens - qui en fait nous rappellent les indiens Caraibes anthropophages qui chassaient d'autres frères indiens - arrivent en Haiti pour exécuter leur sale boulot de consolidation d'un Etat prédateur, criminel et narcotique, a partir duquel ils font fortune en qualité de diplomate de bas étages.


Ces sois-disant frères de la Caraibe trouvent toujours des millions pour mener des missions de "cautionnement de l'absurde". Ils ont a leur disposition des cadres, a la recherche d'opportunités, prêts a tout accepter pour conserver leurs privilèges.


Sous leur leadership, la CARICOM et l'OEA sont devenues des boites d'affairistes incapables de rivaliser avec d'autres organisations régionales de la planète. Car, en ce début du 21e siècle, l'exemple vient d'Afrique - avec la gestion de la crise électorale Ivoirienne et de l'Asie - où des organisations régionales assument un leadership certain, basé sur des principes universels, des valeurs et des intérêts régionaux. Ces organisations dépassent de loin l'OEA et la CARICOM, deux Cartels mafieux dominés par la corruption au détriment des valeurs universelles basées sur le développement de la personne humaine.


Le cynisme de ces hommes donne envie de vomir. Quand on s'appelle Colin Granderson, on ne peut que cautionner les statu quo au détriment des pauvres. Comme les noirs utilisés dans les plantations pour maltraiter les esclaves venus d'Afrique, Colin Granderson est le bourreau des haïtiens, un fossoyeur de notre projet démocratie. Sa seule présence rassure les dictateurs et les encourage a aller jusqu'au dans leurs manoeuvres antidémocratiques. Les groupes monopolistiques qui dominent le pouvoir d'Etat neoféodal voient en lui un allié pour le maintient du statu quo ante.


La classe politique haïtienne et les représentants de la société civile organisée doivent aussi avoir le courage de déclarer ces affairistes "persona non grata", c'est-a-dire refuser de s'asseoir avec eux, donc de tomber dans leur piège.

Les États Unis pourraient soutenir l’annulation des élections.

Les États Unis pourraient soutenir l'annulation des élections

Haïti - Élections : Les États Unis pourraient soutenir l'annulation des élections
Haïti - Élections : Les États Unis pourraient soutenir l'annulation des élections
07/01/2011 18:11:30
Le gouvernement américain pourrait soutenir l'annulation du premier tour des élections présidentielles en Haïti si c'est ce que propose l'Organisation des États Américains (OEA)...
http://www.haitilibre.com/article-2061-haiti-elections-les-etats-unis-pourraient-soutenir-l-annulation-des-elections.html

__._,_.___

vendredi 7 janvier 2011

CES FRUITS AMERS DE L’ILLÉGALITÉ.

O-R
O N È - R E S P È
H O N N E U R - R E S P E C T
Sant Ekimenik Dwa pou Tout Moun Centre Oecuménique des Droits Humains


CES FRUITS AMERS DE L'ILLÉGALITÉ

Par Jean-Claude Bajeux
Directeur exécutif
Du Centre Œcuménique des Droits Humains (CEDH)


Depuis le 28 mars 1987, 13 mois après un retour de 23 ans d'exil impie et mortifère à déambuler autour des frontières de mon pays, mais stationnant à Porto Rico et en République Dominicaine, la boussole qui me guidait dans l'activité tumultueuse du CEDH est restée la même dans ce crépuscule infertile. Toujours et encore, on y rencontre l'humanisme chrétien du personnalisme, la recherche de la paix et la justice, et la Constitution haïtienne du 28 mars 1987 qui a proclamé, de façon réelle et prophétique, les obligations de l'État et des gouvernements de respecter la loi, les droits des citoyennes et des citoyens, de donner accès à tous « san pas pou ki » aux services communautaires, leur assurant santé et savoir.

Trente ans après notre retour, la chute dans l'improvisation et l'impuissance n'a jamais cessé. La violence est toujours présente ou menaçante. Amère est la chute dans le désordre et la pagaille, venant même de gouvernants de toute origine. Certes on a connu la période des satrapes, des pouvoirs ancrés sur la force ou la caste, quand rien ne peut s'opposer à une avidité sans limites, sans crainte sans hésiter à piétiner les faibles et les voisins. Mais on n'avait pas encore connu une sorte d'indifférence à gouverner comme s'il était devenu impossible de changer quoi que ce soit.

En même temps, venant de partout, on assiste à une ruée, du sommet jusqu'à la base, pour profiter de ces étranges circonstances où le pouvoir complote à l'effondrement du pouvoir. Des responsables de cet État refusent de légiférer, refusent d'appliquer ce qui est requis par la Constitution, de sanctionner et de nommer le mal et les malins. La république se vend. La république s'achète. Peu importe à qui et de qui. Comment mobiliser la justice quand tout peut-être interprété au gré du vent ? Et comment pourrait-on, après cela, hypocritement, inviter des compatriotes qui ont laissé ce pays pour ces raisons là-mêmes, à revenir au pays pour patauger et perdurer dans cette sinistre pagaille ?

Avec un groupe d'institutions de la société civile, convaincus qu'il fallait éviter encore une autre descente dans l'enfer de la violence impunie, nous avons, depuis plusieurs années, décrit et dénoncé un véritable assaut qui se tramait pour maintenir le blocage de la justice et contourner les prescrits de la Constitution. Un assaut qui, paradoxalement, se déguisait sous le masque de la bonhomie et même de la gentillesse, un souffle léger venant de la Renaissance… carpe diem...profite de cet instant…

A ce complot appartiennent ces étranges cérémonies que l'on a baptisé du nom d'élections ou ces curieux va-et- vient à quoi les responsables eux-mêmes s'adonnent, refusant de légiférer, refusant de sanctionner, réalisant ainsi dans une sorte d'anarchie négligente, le rêve d'une société sans foi ni lois. C'est tranquillement que la république se vend aux enchères.

Nous avons signalé que des décisions se préparaient pour un abandon de la Constitution. Il fallait, sans s'arrêter, dénoncer les complicités et les détournements qui s'effectuaient. Nous voyons au grand jour comment on organise des rallonges de mandats aux législateurs eux-mêmes, des budgets votés à la cloche de bois, tout cela ouvrant le chemin à des fraudes électorales majeures.

Il faut lire les 7 pages de James Morrell, Democracy Project, WASHINGTON, dans ce document intitulé « Haïti- Elections : dites à cette délégation de faire ses valises ».* Échec , dit-il, de la mission de l'OEA « incapable de réaliser correctement les travaux qui correspondent à la plus rudimentaire vérification, et qui sont normalement inséparables de ce que l'on appelle une mission d'observation électorale ».

Ce texte, publié par Alter-presse le 5 janvier 2011, signale avec toute la tranquillité de la certitude, l'énormité des fraudes de tout genre commises aux dernières élections.
Tout cela se lit comme un manuel de fraude électorale. Un verdict qu'il ne sera pas possible d'ignorer.

Les 800 000 qui ont quand même pu voter (6% !!!) et les 4 millions qui n'ont pas pu le faire, n'ayant ni carte d'identification, ni domicile et incapables de trouver leur bureau de vote, peuvent voir clairement ce qui se prépare, ce malheur suspendu au dessus de nos têtes, ce pourquoi Léon Manus, un patriarche de la démocratie, a dû quitter son pays.

Cela n'a pas cessé. Cela ne cessera point.

A moins que tous et chacun décidions de nous opposer à ce bal de ripoux et qu'on montre en clair, selon la loi, comment l'illégalité et l'impunité transforment en coquins de jeunes représentants et serviteurs de l'Etat et qu'avant toute chose, on proclame le réveil de la dignité, l'épiphanie de l'aube.

Jean-Claude Bajeux
7 janvier 2011

*http//wwww.alterpresse.org/spip.php?article10486
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Flash! Rapport OEA --- La Continuité totalement écartée: Résultat!

1.- Myrlande Manigat
2.- Michel Martelly
3.- Jean-Henri Ceant
4.- Jacques Edouard Alexis
5.- Jude Celestin

Il est bruit que le Président René Préval se trouve dans ses petits souliers. Le rapport des experts de l'OEA donne Michel J. Martelly et Mirlande H. Manigat au second tour.

Le gouvernement américain vient d'envisager la possibilité d'annuler le scrutin du 28 novembre 2010. Aucune considération pour la CONTINUITE.
Quel sera le prochain coup du Chef de l'Etat?  

Cyrus Sibert, Cap-Haitien, Haiti
www.reseaucitadelle.blogspot.com7 janvier 2011
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US may support throwing out disputed Haitian vote.

By BRADLEY KLAPPER

The Associated Press
Friday, January 7, 2011; 4:36 PM

WASHINGTON -- The Obama administration said Friday it could support throwing out the disputed results of Haiti's first-round presidential election if that step is proposed by a panel of experts examining the vote.

Cheryl Mills, Hillary Rodham Clinton's chief of staff, said the U.S. is waiting for the 12-member election team from the Organization of American States to finish its report, expected next week. Mills said U.S. officials will evaluate any steps deemed necessary by the panel.

"If the OAS mission concludes that cancellation or redo ... needs to be considered, we obviously would be interested to understand how they came to those conclusions," Mills told reporters.

The U.S., then, "would want to review whether or not those conclusions were ones that we, too, could support," she added. "Those are the things we'd be willing to entertain, though I wouldn't be able to tell you what we are going to do until we know what they conclude."

Haiti's two-candidate run-off was supposed to be held Jan. 16. But results have yet to be finalized from the first round. That vote was criticized for low turnout, disorganization, fraud, violence and voter intimidation.

The uncertainty is hampering Haiti's response to a cholera epidemic and its long-term reconstruction from last year's deadly earthquake.

Because of the delay, current President Rene Preval may end up staying on beyond the Feb. 7 end of his five-year term as Haiti's provisional electoral council deals with the OAS team's recommendations. Preval couldn't run for another term.

Mills did not say whether the U.S. would support Preval remaining in office beyond his term, but repeated concerns about the November vote, which is being contested by supporters of the top three finishers.

The election results were "inconsistent with at least the preliminary analysis, information, quick counts and other things that we had been privy to," Mills said.

Supporters of popular singer Michel "Sweet Micky" Martelly blocked streets and shut down the capital with rock-throwing and marches when they learned he had been eliminated from the presidential contest in favor of ruling-party candidate Jude Celestin by less than 1 percent.

Celestin, who is backed by Preval's Unity party, said he won the most votes. Former first lady Mirlande Manigat, who led the vote according to the count, said she should have won the election outright.

An electoral council spokesman said Tuesday that the second-round vote for a new Haitian president will not be possible until late February.
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Colin Granderson, bourreau et fossoyeur de la démocratie haïtienne. Par Cyrus Sibert.

Il y a des noms de diplomates qui font frémir. Telle était ma réaction en apprenant que Colin Granderson allait diriger une mission d'observation des élections en Haiti.

Cet homme connu dans l'opinion publique haïtienne pour ses accommodements tropicaux n'a pas une bonne presse dans le pays. Il est connu comme un mauvais coucheur toujours au coté du pouvoir en place. Ces hommes, originaires de la caraïbe noire, ont toujours laissé passer l'occasion de se montrer Grand.

Je me demande pourquoi on continue d'envoyer cet homme en mission en Haiti.

Ce diplomate de culture bannière fait de la démocratie procédurale (de façade) une fin. Avec d'autres agents du CARICOM, Granderson a contribué a paralyser le développement de la démocratie haïtienne. Ils sont toujours au coté du pouvoir d'Etat prédateur haïtien. En bons partisans, ils n'ont jamais eu le courage d'Orlando Marville pour dénoncer les abus et violations des droits les plus élémentaires commis par les pouvoirs Lavalas. Sous leurs yeux Aristide avaient construit ses gangs, lancé sa campagne Zéro tolérance qui consistait a lyncher les opposants politiques sous prétexte de lutte contre l'insécurité.

Ces frères-black-opportunistes avec leur morale pragmatique digne des pirates n'ont aucune compassion pour ce peuple qui lutte dans le but de moderniser l'Etat haïtien a travers un système démocratique respectueux des droits fondamentaux. Ils sont complices de tous les abus commis dans ce pays durant ces 20 dernières années. Ces caraïbeens - qui en fait nous rappellent les indiens Caraibes anthropophages qui chassaient d'autres frères indiens - arrivent en Haiti pour exécuter leur sale boulot de consolidation d'un Etat prédateur, criminel et narcotique, a partir duquel ils font fortune en qualité de diplomate de bas étage.

Ces sois-disant frères de la Caraibe trouvent toujours des millions pour mener des missions de "cautionnement de l'absurde". Ils ont a leur disposition des cadres, a la recherche d'opportunités, prêts a tout accepter pour conserver leurs privilèges.

Sous leur leadership, la CARICOM et l'OEA sont devenues des boites d'affairistes incapables de rivaliser avec d'autres organisations régionales de la planète. Car, en ce début du 21e siècle, l'exemple vient d'Afrique - avec la gestion de la crise électorale Ivoirienne et de l'Asie - où des organisations régionales assument un leadership certain, basé sur des principes universels, des valeurs et des intérêts régionaux. Ces organisations dépassent de loin l'OEA et la CARICOM, deux Cartels mafieux dominés par la corruption au détriment des valeurs universelles basées sur le développement de la personne humaine.

Le cynisme de ces hommes donne envie de vomir. Quand on s'appelle Colin Granderson, on ne peut que cautionner les statu quo au détriment des pauvres. Comme les noirs utilisés dans les plantations pour maltraiter les esclaves venus d'Afrique, Colin Granderson est le bourreau des haïtiens, un fossoyeur de notre projet démocratie. Sa seule présence rassure les dictateurs et les encourage a aller jusqu'au bout dans leurs manoeuvres antidémocratiques. Les groupes monopolistiques qui dominent le pouvoir d'Etat neoféodal voient en lui un allié pour le maintient du statu quo ante.

La classe politique haïtienne et les représentants de la société civile organisée doivent aussi avoir le courage de déclarer ces affairistes "persona non grata", c'est-a-dire refuser de s'asseoir avec eux, donc de tomber dans leur piège.

Cyrus Sibert, Cap-Haitien, Haiti
www.reseaucitadelle.blogspot.com
7 janvier 2011
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jeudi 6 janvier 2011

Rappelons que le vote de l'automne a occasionné des manoeuvres frauduleuses d'une ampleur inégalée dans l'histoire de ce pays/ la presse

L’impasse électorale

6 janvier 2011

- Agnès Gruda

C’est la « non-surprise » de la semaine : prévu pour le 16 janvier, le deuxième tour du scrutin présidentiel en Haïti a été reporté à une date indéterminée.

Le Conseil électoral provisoire a annoncé sa décision lundi, pendant que les observateurs internationaux planchaient toujours sur leur analyse des résultats du 28 novembre. Et qu’il ne restait même plus deux semaines avant la nouvelle échéance électorale.

Même dans un pays à peu près fonctionnel, l’organisation d’une élection dans des délais aussi courts relèverait de l’exploit. En Haïti, c’est l’impossibilité absolue. Le problème, c’est que l’imbroglio électoral a peu de chances de se résorber dans les semaines qui viennent. Même avec de nouveaux délais, une crise politique majeure paraît difficilement évitable.

Le prochain acte de cette tragicomédie se jouera quand la mission d’observation de l’Organisation des États américains publiera son verdict sur le vote de novembre.

Dans leur rapport, les observateurs doivent répondre à des questions déterminantes pour la suite des choses. Quels candidats peuvent aspirer au deuxième tour ? Et de façon plus fondamentale : les résultats du premier tour ont-ils la moindre validité ?

Rappelons que le vote de l’automne a occasionné des manoeuvres frauduleuses d’une ampleur inégalée dans l’histoire de ce pays. Plus de 100 000 bulletins de vote ont dû être écartés. Des milliers de gens n’ont pas pu aller voter parce que leur nom ne figurait pas sur la liste électorale.

D’autres ne sont pas allés voter, point. Officiellement, le taux de participation a été d’environ 22 %. Mais dans certains coins du pays, on parle de seulement 6% !

On aura beau compter et recompter les bulletins de vote, rejeter quelques résultats frauduleux ici et là, au point où en sont les choses, il est impossible de transformer ce fatras électoral en des résultats représentatifs d’une réelle volonté populaire.

Faut-il pour autant jeter tout ça aux rebuts et recommencer à zéro, selon un des scénarios qui circulent ces jours-ci à Port-au-Prince ? J’ai soumis l’hypothèse à quelques personnes qui suivent de près le processus électoral haïtien. Toutes croient que l’hypothèse d’une « reprise » du premier tour, bien qu’effectivement évoquée, est peu plausible. Le premier tour a déjà coûté une trentaine de millions : en dépenser tout autant, une fois de plus, dans un pays qui a besoin de tout, serait carrément indécent. D’autant plus qu’on risquerait d’aboutir à des résultats tout aussi peu concluants...

Mais en revanche, publier des résultats définitifs, quels qu’ils soient, risque d’exacerber les tensions, chaque camp pouvant prétendre avoir été victime de fraude. Même si on sait que celle-ci a joué surtout en faveur du dauphin du président René Préval, Jude Célestin, que des résultats préliminaires ont propulsé au deuxième tour. Et qui n’accepterait pas facilement d’en être évincé.

« Le pays est dans l’impasse, la crise est très profonde », dit Pierre Espérance, du Réseau haïtien de défense des droits humains.

Comme d’autres observateurs à qui j’ai parlé hier, il pense que la sortie de crise passe par des négociations et des décisions politiques. Et non par un pathétique effort visant à plaquer un vernis de légitimité sur des élections ratées.

Reste à voir si les pressions politiques peuvent réussir là où les élections ont échoué : à convaincre le président René Préval à lâcher prise.

En principe, il doit quitter le pouvoir en février. Mais en vertu d’une loi douteuse votée au lendemain du tremblement de terre du 12 janvier, il pourrait rester en poste jusqu’à la mi-mai. D’ici là, tous les scénarios sont envisageables. Y compris les pires