IGNATIUS GROUP______
For immediate release:
Wednesday, March 31, 2010
Advocates for the protection of children are calling about Michael McCooey, Chairman of the Haiti Fund, Inc., to stop keeping secrets about the reopening of Project Pierre Toussaint in Cap Haitien, Haiti.
Advocates fear that McCooey of Rye, NY, has promised his silence (about what happened in the past) to Fairfield University and Order of Malta officials in exchange for funds to help reopen the school.
Fairfield University and Malta officials have links to the school in Haiti.
McCooey has refused to answer questions about how much money has recently been donated to the Haiti Fund from Fairfield University and Malta.
McCooey has refused to answer questions about what systems, policies and procedures are going to be put in place to protect the students from further abuse.
McCooey has refused to provide the name of the Fairfield University official who is being appointed to the Haiti Fund board per order of Fairfield University President, Rev. Jeffrey von Arx, S.J.
Secrets are unacceptable, Mr. McCooey.
INFORMATION, NEWS; OPINIONS POLITIQUES -- Vous êtes sur le Blog du journaliste Cyrus Sibert. Subscribe to www.youtube.com/@reseaucitadelle
mardi 30 mars 2010
Mais quand le Nord fera-t-il sa convocation des États-généraux régionale, à l'instar du Sud?
Messe reçu d'un ami internaute: Objet : A Cyrus Sibert Bonjour le Grand Nord, Mais quand le Nord fera-t-il sa convocation des États-généraux régionale, à l'instar du Sud? Pour une 1re fois, le Sud prend le dessus sur le Nord! Allez-y! ______________________ Réponse de Cyrus Sibert : Cher ami,
Toutefois, il y a quand même des mouvements de jeunes qui aident à espérer un redressement. Par exemple, sur la Place de la Cathédrale, des jeunes citoyens organisent chaque après-midi un débat populaire, en pleine air, sur la situation sociopolitique du pays. Ils appellent leur mouvement "Université populaire". L'action citoyenne est paralysée par une absence de vision et de leadership progressiste.
Avec un tel vide moral, Haïti est foutue.
Sur la frontière le kidnapping est une activité courante. Chaque jour, à Ouanaminthe, on kidnappe des personnes. La majorité des autorités est impliquée. La police, la justice, la société civile adopte un comportement complice. Et la bonne communauté internationale garde son silence complice et donne une prime aux acteurs locaux.
C'est normal que le Sud assure la relève. En encaissant la haine des port-au-princiens, nous permettons au Sud de se relever. C'est notre contribution. Le Sud comme le Nord est victime de la concentration à outrance et de l'arrogance des hommes du pouvoir central. Nous nous retrouvons dans son mouvement.
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Bulletin météo du mardi 30 mars 2010.
Valable jusqu'au 01 avril 2010 Situation synoptique dans la Caraïbe et sur l'Atlantique Un faible front froid est localisé sur Cuba ce matin. Il pourrait occasionner de la pluie et d'orages isolés sur Haïti ce soir et demain. Prévisions pour Haïti - Partiellement ensoleillé ce matin ; - Nuageux à couvert en fin de journée et ce soir notamment dans la région nord du pays. - Températures peu clémentes au cours de la journée mais agréables à fraiches en soirée ; - Pluie et orages isolés attendus ce soir et demain notamment dans le nord-ouest le nord, le nord-est, l'artibonite la grande anse et l'ouest. Prévisions pour Port-au-Prince et environs · Ensoleillé ce matin ; · Passages nuageux en fin de journée et en début de soirée ; · Tº. max. : 35ºC ; Tº min: 21ºC ; · Chance de pluie et d'orages isolés ce soir. Lever & coucher du soleil pour Port-au-Prince Aujourd'hui 30 Mars. Lever : 05h 45 mn Coucher : 06h 03 mn Mercredi 31 Mars. Lever : 05h 44 mn Coucher : 06h 03 mn Jeudi 01 Mars. Lever : 05h 43 mn Coucher : 06h 03 mn Jacquet Jackson, Prévisionniste au CNM Bulletin météo marine mardi 30 mars 2010 Valable jusqu'au 31 mars 2010 Prévisions maritimes: Zone côtière nord : Mardi & mercredi * Vent du secteur sud-est à sud: 10-20 nœuds ; * Hauteur des vagues: 8 à 9 pieds, mais allant de : 6 à 8 pieds demain ; * Mer plus ou moins agitée à agitée. Golfe de la Gonâve : Mardi & mercredi * Vent du secteur nord-est à est : 15-20 nœuds ; * Hauteur des vagues : 4 à 7 pieds ; * Mer plus ou moins agitée. Zone côtière sud : Mardi & mercredi * Vent du secteur nord-est à est : 15-20 nœuds ; * Hauteur des vagues : 4 à 7 pieds; * Mer plus ou moins agitée. Jacquet Jackson, Prévisionniste au CNM |
Op-Ed: Notre détermination à l'épreuve, par Kenneth H. Merten, Ambassadeur des Etats-Unis en Haïti.
Le 30 mars 2010
No. 2010/05
Notre détermination à l'épreuve
Par: Kenneth H. Merten,
Ambassadeur des Etats-Unis en Haïti
Trente-cinq secondes. C'est le temps pendant lequel la terre a tremblé le 12 janvier en Haïti. Dans les heures qui ont suivi la catastrophe qui a secoué le pays, la communauté internationale s'est mobilisée. Plus de 140 nations ont pris part aux opérations immédiates de sauvetage et d'assistance. Notre citoyenneté s'identifie par rapport au pays auquel nous appartenons, cependant nous faisons tous partie d'une grande communauté de citoyens du monde qui s'entraident. Dix semaines plus tard, bien que le peuple haïtien continue à pleurer les 220.000 compatriotes qui ont péri lors de ce séisme, il fait également preuve de courage et de détermination à la face du monde dans sa lutte pour la reconstruction d'une nouvelle Haïti.
Le mercredi 31 mars, aux Nations-Unies, les représentants de plus de 110 pays se solidariseront de nouveau avec le peuple haïtien. À cette occasion, le gouvernement d'Haïti présentera ses perspectives d'avenir et le plan suivant lequel il entend les concrétiser. L'objectif de cette conférence est d'assurer les fondements du relèvement et de la reconstruction d'Haïti grâce à des engagements venant de toutes parts: des institutions publiques, privées, non gouvernementales et multilatérales. Aider Haïti à mieux se reconstruire ne se fera pas du jour au lendemain. Selon l'Évaluation des besoins effectuée après la catastrophe, une analyse conduite par le gouvernement haïtien avec le support des Nations-Unies et de la Banque mondiale, la reconstruction d'Haïti exigera de longues années et nécessitera 11.5 milliards de dollars. Lors de la conférence, on fera appel à des engagements de contributions totalisant 3.8 milliards de dollars pour supporter les efforts de reconstruction durant les deux prochaines années. Ces ressources sont nécessaires pour poser les bases pour une Haïti stable et prospère. L'engagement international envers Haïti doit aller au-delà de la réponse d'urgence. Des nations doivent s'engager à travailler avec le peuple et les pouvoirs publics haïtiens pour le long terme, en vue de construire une nation avec des services publics renforcés, un secteur privé dynamique, et un gouvernement et une communauté internationale prêts à assumer leurs responsabilités envers le peuple haïtien.
Le gouvernement haïtien et ses partenaires internationaux seront guidés par six principes qui ont déjà été établis lors de la Conférence ministérielle de Montréal qui a eu lieu peu après le séisme. Ce sont:
1. un plan d'avenir piloté par les Haïtiens;
2. la participation de toutes les parties prenantes, plus particulièrement le peuple haïtien;
3. la responsabilité et la transparence des pouvoirs publics haïtiens et de leurs partenaires donateurs envers le peuple haïtien, mais aussi envers la communauté internationale;
4. la coordination entre le gouvernement haïtien et les donateurs;
5. la recherche de la rentabilité en matière d'investissements, calculée selon les améliorations qu'ils auront apportées à la vie des Haïtiens;
6. la viabilité des investissements, grâce à un engagement durable visant à travailler avec le peuple et le gouvernement haïtiens pour renforcer les capacités permanentes du pays.
En nous tournant vers l'avenir et la reconstruction, nous ne saurions nous désintéresser aux défis du présent. Nous continuerons à apporter notre concours au gouvernement haïtien en vue de répondre aux besoins humanitaires urgents. Nous savons qu'un lendemain prospère dépendra de l'apport d'une assistance vitale, immédiate, à ceux dont la vie a été bouleversée par le séisme: ceux qui ont perdu leur logement, qui n'arrivent pas à manger à leur faim et qui vivent dans des conditions sanitaires inadéquates.
Comme l'a déclaré la Secrétaire d'État Hillary Clinton avant le tremblement de terre: «Pour certains d'entre nous, Haïti est un voisin, pour d'autres c'est une terre empreinte de liens historiques et culturels. Mais pour nous tous, Haïti représente aujourd'hui une mise à l'épreuve de notre détermination et de notre engagement».
(Fin de texte)
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March 30, 2010
No. 2010/05
A Test of our Resolve
by
Kenneth H. Merten, U.S. Ambassador to Haïti
35 seconds. That's how long the earthquake of January 12 shook the nation of Haiti. In the hours after the January 12th earthquake that struck Haiti, the international community mobilized. More than 140 nations were involved in the immediate rescue and response effort.
Our citizenship is defined by our countries, but we all are part of a larger community of global citizens that aid one another in need.
Ten weeks later, even as the people of Haiti continue to grieve for the 220,000 who perished in the quake, Haitians also are showing the world their courage and resolve as they struggle to build a new Haiti.
On Wednesday, March 31, at the United Nations, more than 110 countries will come together again, in support of the people of Haiti.
We will hear the Government of Haiti's vision for its nation's future and its plan to make that future a reality. The goal of the conference is to secure the foundation for Haiti's recovery and reconstruction through pledges from all sources—public, private, non-governmental and multilateral institutions. Supporting Haiti's efforts to build back better will not be a short-term endeavor. The Post-Disaster Needs Assessment, an analysis led by the Government of Haiti with support from the United Nations and the World Bank, projected that it will take many years and $11.5 billion to rebuild Haiti. At the Conference, pledges totaling $3.8 billion will be called for to support rebuilding efforts for the next two years. These resources are required to lay the foundation for a stable and prosperous Haiti. The international commitment to Haiti must go beyond the emergency response.
Nations must commit to working with the people and Government of Haiti for the long-term, to build a nation with strengthened public services, a vibrant private sector and a government and international community that will hold itself accountable to the people of Haiti.
The Government of Haiti and its international partners will be guided by six principles set forth by at the ministerial conference in Montreal shortly after the earthquake. They are:
1. Haitian ownership of the plan for the country's future;
2. Inclusiveness of all stakeholders, most importantly the Haitian people;
3. Accountability and transparency by the Government of Haiti and its donor partners to the people of Haiti, but also the international community;
4. Coordination between the Government of Haiti and donors;
5. Commitment to the effectiveness of investments by measuring the improvements our investments make in the lives of Haitians;
6. Sustainability of our investment through an enduring commitment to work with the people and the Government of Haiti to increase Haiti's permanent capacity.
Looking to the future and rebuilding does not mean that we can ignore the challenges of the present. We will continue to work with the Government of Haiti to address urgent humanitarian needs. We know that any prosperous tomorrow will depend on providing vital assistance today to those whose lives have been affected by the earthquake—those who lost homes, for whom food is scarce, and who have inadequate access to sanitation.
As Secretary Clinton said before the earthquake: "For some of us, Haiti is a neighbor, and for others of us, it is a place of historic and cultural ties. But for all of us, it is now a test of resolve and commitment."
(End of texte)
Micette Dubique
Information Assistant
US Embassy
Port-au-Prince, Haiti
Tel: (509) 2229-8351
Cell: (509) 3463-3668
Embassy Website: http://haiti.usembassy.gov
Embassy on Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/pages/Port-au-Prince-Haiti/Ambassade-des-Etats-Unis-Port-au-Prince-Haiti/131705144280
lundi 29 mars 2010
How Haiti Helped Create the U.S. by Ted Widmer
How Haiti Saved America
Two centuries ago, a glittering Caribbean Island helped finance the Revolution
The United States has been leading the response to the Haitian earthquake for all of the reasons that we would expect: our geographical proximity, our competence at emergency response, and our innate generosity. That fits the narrative most of us hold in our heads, for we typically think of Haiti and America as a basket case and a basket, joined only by their contradictions, and the beneficence of one to the other.
On the surface, that is true enough. Haiti was desperately poor well before this latest catastrophe and routinely faces problems that border on the biblical — floods, epidemics, and a deforested landscape that suggests a plague of locusts (sadly, it was just human beings). The United States is the world's all-time winner, whether defined by Olympic medal count or GDP or any other national sweepstakes.
Yet a closer look at the early history of the United States and Haiti — proudly, the two oldest countries in this hemisphere — suggests that the relationship was once very different.
In fact, it was the island's wealth that turned heads in those days. And the United States was hardly a foregone conclusion. In the darkest days of the American Revolution, when it seemed preposterous to believe that the mighty British empire might allow 13 rogue colonies to come into existence as a new nation, the support that came from a 14th colony — French Saint Domingue, Haiti's predecessor — made an important difference.
In recent years, the bestseller lists have been dominated by history books arguing that our founding moment is the key to understanding everything that has happened since. That is all well and good — in fact, it's great news that so many Americans are willing and even eager to read about the 18th century. But to tell the story right, we need to think about all of the people who worked for our independence. In the appeals for aid that have gone out over the last few months, there is one powerful reason for aiding Haiti that has never been articulated. Simply put — the United States might never have come into existence without the help of our island neighbor.
That is a counterintuitive thought, to put it mildly. But to avoid defeat, Americans needed guns and powder and bullets and warm clothing. To buy those necessities, they needed money. And money in those days came from France, eager to twist the tail of the British Lion. France supported America for many reasons, including the ones we learn in school — Benjamin Franklin's roguish charm and the appeal of the underdog and England's comeuppance. But a reason we hear less often is that France had a vested interest in protecting a lucrative overseas possession with a strong connection to the United States, and to New England in particular.
Here in Boston, where the American Revolution is an everyday fact, it helps to pull the camera back, away from this tiny peninsula, and consider the broader hemisphere. In the late 18th century, the situation was very nearly reversed — Haiti's predecessor, Saint Domingue, was the richest colony in the world. Its capital city, Cap Français (today's Cap Haïtien) was larger than Boston, and among the most cosmopolitan places in the Americas. Its culture matched anything in New York, Havana, Philadelphia, or the dour Puritan city jutting into Massachusetts Bay.
Early in the century, Benjamin Franklin had learned that modest displays of wit were punishable by jail in Boston — why he soon found it convenient to flee to Philadelphia. In Saint Domingue, by contrast, wit was everything. Comedies were performed at playhouses around the country (the largest theater in Cap Français seated 1,500). Le Cap's first theater preceded Boston's by more than 50 years. The historian James E. McClellan III said that Haiti's scientific clubs "certainly rivaled, if they did not eclipse" those of Philadelphia and Boston. A highly sophisticated urban life sprang into existence — more than 11 towns had more than 1,000 people, and in the capital, all of Cap Français danced to orchestras, laughed at cabarets, played at cards and billiards, and visited wax museums. (In 1789, a waxen George Washington was put on display, in what might have passed for the first state visit by a US president.)
As these accounts would suggest, a great deal of money was made in Saint Domingue. To be "as rich as a Creole" was a familiar boast in Paris, and a substantial portion of the French economy depended on this one distant settlement. This was the jewel of the French empire, furnishing the coffee drunk in Paris, the sugar needed to sweeten it, and the cotton and indigo worn by men and women of fashion. Saint Domingue's commerce added up to more than a third of France's foreign trade. One person in eight in France earned a living that stemmed from it. By 1776, this tiny colony produced more income than the entire Spanish empire in the Americas.
But Haiti's superheated economy required constant, grinding labor in the plantations — and that meant massive importation of human beings from Africa. To a greater degree than in South Carolina or Virginia, the planters of Saint Domingue worked their slaves to death. This was a slave society on a scale beyond anything seen in North America. The profits were bigger, and so were the cruelties, distributed as generously. A small colony of 10,000 square miles — roughly the size of Massachusetts — held a teeming population of Africans, half a million strong, ruled over by a mixture of French families, light-skinned mulattoes, and the profiteering adventurers who always congregate in lively Caribbean cities.
To a surprising degree, Boston was economically linked with a city that was in many ways its polar opposite. New England merchants had been getting rich in Hispaniola since at least 1684, when a young adventurer, William Phips, found a Spanish treasure that made his fortune there. Foodstuffs like dried fish were sold by enterprising Yankees to the rich French island, and the trade in molasses (a run-off of the sugar refining process) became a New England specialty, part of the so-called Triangle Trade. The difficulty of regulating this trade led to the strictures by which England tried and generally failed to bring New England to heel, enraging Americans in the process.
So, well before the first shots were fired at Lexington Green, New Englanders had a mutually beneficial relationship with Saint Domingue that was irritating to England. And France was highly protective of Saint Domingue, which the English had tried on several occasions to seize. All of this provided essential background to the key fact — the French alliance — that allowed the United States to lurch into existence.
Why did the French pour money into our cause? A large portion of the answer lies in Haiti, unremembered by Americans. France did not want to lose its jewel, and so it sprang into action when the American colonists began to agitate for their freedom. The king's advisers worried that the British would use the conflict to shore up their Caribbean possessions, and seize Saint Domingue once and for all. To support the Americans would not only weaken the British and help avert that disaster, it would support a people with a known interest in trading with the French colonists. The loans were small and secretive at first, often funneled through clandestine agents. But eventually, French support grew open and robust. As recounted by Stacy Schiff in "A Great Improvisation," France ultimately provided 1.3 billion livres, or the equivalent of $9 billion today.
Without this help, the Revolution probably would have fizzled.
Certainly it would not have lasted as long. When the Declaration of Independence announced the United States, the Americans had only about 30,000 fighting men and very little money. Benjamin Franklin wrote, "the world wondered that we so seldom fired a cannon. We could not afford it." France's aid made all the difference. The battle that ended the war — Yorktown — was essentially a French production.
But not entirely French. To do their part, the people of Saint Domingue responded enthusiastically to the call to defend the infant United States. Haitians of all complexions fought alongside the continentals at the Battle of Savannah in 1779 (one of them was a 12-year-old drummer named Henri Christophe, who went on to pronounce himself king of Haiti in the 19th century, after getting a taste of independence in America).
Just as importantly, Saint Domingue served as a vital point of transfer for the men, arms, and gunpowder flowing from France to the patriot cause. As those essential donations poured in to the United States, they came through what is now Haiti. Americans were buying powder there as early as 1775. The powder that won the battle of Saratoga came from there. The military engineers who designed the plans for victory at Yorktown and the cannons needed to win it and the French fleet who made sure it happened all came to us via our island neighbor. Yorktown essentially won it all for us.
Perhaps the most important gift of all from Haiti to the United States came in a form that remains difficult to quantify, but was essential all the same. The money that kept the United States afloat during the long war for independence came from those enormous loans, negotiated by Benjamin Franklin and John Adams during their long stay in Paris.
Does it not seem plausible that France had money to lend to one part of America because of the huge profits that another part of America — Saint Domingue — made possible? It is hard enough today to know how money goes from one pot into a government expenditure; the difficulty increases exponentially when looking at the distant finances of a country that no longer exists. But the vast sums pouring into France from Saint Domingue at exactly the same time made foreign aid to the New World a distinctly more attractive option than it would have been otherwise. The 1770s and 1780s were the richest decades Saint Domingue had ever seen. It goes without saying that the entire enterprise rested on the backs of the men and women whose labor powered it.
We are naturally drawn to the most elevated part of the story of our national birth, and there is plenty of inspiration in the orations of Sam Adams, the immortal words of the Declaration, and the valor of American soldiers at Lexington and Bunker Hill and Valley Forge. But we do a disservice to the people of Haiti, and ultimately to ourselves, if we do not remember that a large contribution toward American freedom was made by the hundreds of thousands of enslaved Africans who, in their way, toiled and died for the cause.
Ultimately, America's cause merged into Haiti's own, for the huge loans given to America weakened the French economy sufficiently that another revolution broke out in Paris and the world turned upside down all over again. Out of that chaos emerged a third revolution, and a new Haitian nation, which declared independence in 1804, the second American country to do so. Its path since then has been rockier than our own, to put it mildly, but it overcame more difficult challenges than we did, including the opposition of nearly every nation on earth, the United States among them.
There were voices, then as now, that saw some justice in bringing the two independent nations into closer orbit. Timothy Pickering of Salem, secretary of state from 1795 to 1800, considered the revolution's leader, Toussaint Louverture, "a prudent and judicious man possessing the general confidence of the people of all colors." Under John Adams, there was a flourishing trade, and even some US naval support for Toussaint's maneuvers. In return, Toussaint's supporters began to call Americans "the good whites."
On rare occasions, Americans even saw some similarity between the revolutions that each country experienced. In 1791, as the Haitian Revolution was just getting underway, a young Pennsylvania politician rose to defend the slaves fighting for their freedom, arguing, "if the insurrection of the Negroes were treated as a rebellion what name could be given to that of the Americans which won their independence?" In 1804, a Boston newspaper, the Columbian Centinel, wrote, "their case is not dissimilar to that of the people of the United States in 1778-1800." But in 1806, the Jefferson administration succeeded in a ban on all trade with the newly independent nation of Haiti, extinguishing its hopes for prosperity, at the beginning of its new history.
It is easy to see why we have generally passed over this history. It is obscure, buried in old newspapers and articles, many written in French. It describes a lost colony that seems to have slid off the face of the earth. But Haiti survived Saint Domingue, and now it has survived what may be the greatest crisis in its history.
But the story does not end there. In fact, it doesn't end anywhere, because Haitians and Americans will always bump into each other in the small hemispheric space that we occupy together. Many more arguments could be cited to convey how entangled are the roots of our liberty trees. How many Americans live in the great heartland that stretches from the Mississippi River to the Rocky Mountains? They owe a debt not only to Thomas Jefferson, Louisiana's purchaser, but to Toussaint Louverture and the Haitians who fought so tenaciously for their freedom that Napoleon was forced to cash out of America. (He exclaimed, on hearing of the death of his best general, "damn sugar, damn coffee, damn colonies!") How many Americans have been moved by the prints of John James Audubon, or the writings of W.E.B. Du Bois, or the many other descendants of Haitian families, white and black, who came here in the aftermath of the Haitian Revolution? How many of us have admired the iron balustrades of New Orleans and Charleston, wondering where the artisans came from who designed them?
Thousands of Americans have rushed to Haiti's hospitals and shelters and with their expertise and aid. We have given deeply — $700 million and counting. But as the spring rains come, perhaps we can pause to consider this shared history, and do more by a sister republic that has dogged our steps and weighed on our consciences since the dawn of the American experiment. It has often been said that freedom is not free. Should we not show how highly we value it, by repaying a small fragment of the debt we owe to the descendants of a people whose blood, sweat, and tears helped us to become the United States of America?
Ted Widmer directs the John Carter Brown Library at Brown University. He is a senior research fellow with the New America Foundation. The library has formed a fund, "Saving Haiti's Libraries," to protect the endangered cultural treasures of Haiti. See jcbl.org for details.
1 comments
Lettre d'information de la Délégation du Nord.
| République d'Haïti Délégation du Nord CONSEIL DÉPARTEMENTAL DE GESTION DE CRISE POST DESASTRE « C'est ensemble que nous arriverons à surmonter les difficultés de la situation actuelle » LETTRE D'INFORMATIONS Vendredi 26 mars 2010 Situation des personnes déplacées (IDPs) dans le département du Nord Le Conseil Départemental de Gestion de Crise Post-Désastre a déjà identifié environ 42878 personnes déplacées (IDPs) se trouvant dans les Villes, Bourgs et Sections Communales du Département du Nord. Les Sections Communales ayant reçu le plus de déplacés (IDPs) sont, à date : - 2e Section Communale « La Belle Mère » de la Commune de Pignon avec 1702 IDPs inscrits ; - 3e Section Communale « Mornet » de la Commune d'Acul du Nord avec 1200 IDPs inscrits ; - 3e Section Communale « Ravine Trompette » de la Commune de Pilate avec 1141 IDPs inscrits ; - 4e Section Communale « Trou d'Enfer » de la Commune de Borgne avec 1026 IDPs inscrits. L'agglomération urbaine du Cap-Haïtien a reçu environ 10 543 IDPs repartis entre : - Le Centre-ville ……………………………… 1745 IDPs - Les 3 Sections Communales ………………… 8798 IDPs o Haut du Cap ……… 4774 (IDPs) o Petite Anse ……….. 2836 (IDPs) o Bande du Nord …... 1188 (IDPs) Actions de Réponse déjà engagées. 1- Les Autorités municipales et locales du Département ont coordonné l'évacuation et le transfert de plus de 2000 blessés et sinistrés de la Région métropolitaine de Port-au-Prince vers les Communautés d'Accueil du Département du Nord ; 2- FOOD for the POOR a pris en charge l'accueil de plusieurs milliers de déplacés (IDPs) a travers ses actions au Centre d'hébergement du Gymnasium du Cap-Haïtien sur les plans alimentaire, médical et aide non-alimentaire ; 3- Le PAM/WFP a effectué plusieurs distributions de nourriture à travers la CARITAS, le CNCS, les Mairies et plusieurs autres institutions partenaires dans le département ; 4- La Direction Sanitaire du Nord a coordonné la prise en charge de plus de 2000 blessés et traumatisés du Séisme qui ont reçu des soins dans les différents Centres hospitaliers du Département (HUJ du Cap-Haïtien, HSC de Milôt, HBP-Pignon, HBS-Limbé, etc.) ; 5- L'Hôpital du Sacré-Cœur du Milôt a établi un couloir sanitaire en liaison avec des partenaires à Port-au-Prince et a traité, à ce jour, plus d'un millier (1000) de cas divers ; 6- La Chambre de Commerce, d'Industrie et des Professions du Nord (CCIPN) a sollicité et obtenu du Gouvernement Dominicain une assistance en médicaments et aide alimentaire a travers son Consulat au Cap-Haïtien ; 7- FOOD for the POOR, en partenariat avec le Gouvernement de la République à travers la Délégation du Nord et le CASEC de la 1e Section Communale de Quartier-Morin, est en train de construire un Village de Trois Cents (300) Unités de Logement pour les Déplacés (IDPs) pour un investissement évalué à environ US$ 1,500,000.00. Les seize (16) premières maisons ont été déjà construites et remises à seize (16) familles. Trente (30) autres sont en construction et devraient être prêtes dans les deux (2) prochaines semaines ; Cent (100) autres sont déjà programmées et l'implantation sera effectuée incessamment. 8- Royal Caribbean Cruise Line (RCCL) et Haïti Shipping Lines ont offert leurs facilités de Transport maritime pour le transport gratuit de l'Assistance Humanitaire en faveur des victimes du Séisme ; 9- Plusieurs Organisations privées, caritatives et bénévoles (RCCL, Hosean International Ministries, Paroisse Saint-François de Sales, FOOD for the Poor, l'Hôpital de la Convention Baptiste d'Haïti, l'Hôpital de Bienfaisance de Pignon, etc,) ont sollicité et obtenu des facilités de dédouanement aux Ports et à l'Aéroport du Cap-Haïtien à travers le Conseil Départemental de Gestion de Crise Post Désastre, créé par Acte Constitutif du 15 janvier 2010 et coordonné par le Délégué départemental du Nord. Les Besoins à satisfaire Il y a un besoin urgent pour les suivants : - Logement o Construction, au moins, de 10 000 unités de logements dans, au moins, 6 Centres d'hébergement ou Villages d'Accueil sur tout le Département du Nord ; o Matériaux de Construction pour accompagner les familles d'accueil et améliorer les structures d'hébergement des Communautés d'accueil de Déplacées (IDPs) ; - Nourriture pour les 42 878 IDPs et les Familles et Communautés d'accueil o Riz, Mais, Pois, Huile, Farine, etc. o Nourriture pour Bébés, Nourrissons et Jeunes enfants o Eau de boisson et Breuvages divers - Aide non-alimentaire o Équipement de Maison : Lits, Draps, Moustiquaires, Tables, Chaises, etc. o Ustensiles de Cuisine et Vaisselle ; o Kits d'hygiène et de toilette ; o Vêtements et articles d'habillement ; - Assistance financière pour aider les sinistrées à se procurer tout ce que l'assistance humanitaire n'a pas pris en compte (Combustible, savon de lessive, vaisselle, etc.) ; - Prise en charge médicale, psycho-sociale et de suivi post traumatique ; - Renforcement du système scolaire du département pour intégrer la population déplacée dans les centres d'enseignement du département. Création d'emplois (HIMO, Agriculture, Industrie, etc.) Plus encore, ces déplacés (IDPs) ont besoin de travail (JOBs) pour reprendre confiance dans l'avenir, retrouver leur dignité, se recapitaliser et se reprendre en charge. Nous saluons l'effort et la solidarité de la Communauté internationale qui nous est venu en aide spontanément, dès les premiers jours, à travers ses structures d'assistance humanitaire dont la MINUSTSH, la Croix-Rouge Internationale (CICR), le Programme Alimentaire Mondial (PAM/WFP), les organisations caritatives de l'Eglise Catholique dont : FOOD for the POOR et CARITAS, etc. Mais pour être efficace, l'effort d'assistance doit se concentrer sur la satisfaction des besoins des personnes réellement en difficulté. Pour le moment, ce n'est pas encore le cas et c'est bien dommage. C'est pourquoi, nous pensons que le moment est venu de solliciter, de leur part, un renforcement en quantité, en qualité et en coordination de l'assistance à ces victimes du Tremblement de Terre du 12 janvier 2010 tout en souhaitant que soient, également, pris en compte les besoins des Communautés d'accueil de ces sinistrés dans toutes les 19 Communes et les 82 Sections Communales du Département du Nord. Suivi du Processus Le Conseil de Gestion de Crise Post-Désastre a mis en place une structure d'aide humanitaire comprenant cinq (5) Commissions coordonnées par le Comité départemental de Gestion de Risques et de Désastres (CDGRD) pour assurer la liaison avec les organisations d'assistance et le suivi des programmes pour s'assurer de leur pertinence et de leur efficacité. Ces Commissions sont les suivantes : 1- Commission d'Alimentation coordonnée par : PAM/CNSA 2- Commission de Logement et d'Aide non-alimentaire, par : DDN-MAST/OIM 3- Commission Sante, par : DDN-MSPP/Konbit Santé 4- Commission Éducation, par : DDN-MENFP 5- Commission Protection, par : DDN-MAST/SDH-MINUSTAH Information For more information or if you can or want to help, please feel free to contact the following: Pour plus d'informations ou si vous pouvez ou voulez aider, veuillez contacter : Conseil Départemental de Gestion de Crise Post-Désastre Délégation du Nord Cap-Haïtien, Haïti Tel. (509) 38 37 83 97 |
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