lundi 28 février 2022

La Guerre en Ukraine!!! Analyse!!! (Texte de Cyrus Sibert) #LeReCit


Le 18 Septembre 1994, le Président Émile Jonassaint a compris que Haiti ne pouvait pas affronter l’Armée Américaine. Et pour éviter la destruction du pays par l’armée de l’air des États-Unis @USAIRFORCE et des pertes civiles, il a accepté de signer l’”Accord de Port-au-Prince” avec les représentants du Président Bill Clinton, malgré les réticences de certains officiers illuminés comme le Général Biambi.

Un leader doit pouvoir évaluer ses capacités et éviter d’envoyer ses concitoyens à la mort exposant son pays à la destruction. Les américains ont déjà conseillé au président ukrainien de quitter l’Ukraine. Il doit comprendre qu’il faut plus que des selfies et des vidéos sur les réseaux sociaux pour arrêter une armée puissante. A moins que l’OTAN ne décide de rejoindre la bataille au risque d’une guerre nucléaire pour pour l’Ukraine, il temps de négocier.

Contrairement aux prétendues analyses des intellectuels faussaires des mainstream médias, dans la tête de Poutine, il s’agissait de récupérer l’Ukraine sans la détruire. Car, il l’a répété, “c’est le berceau de la Russie”. C’est la raison pour laquelle il a utilisé dans un premier temps une opération avec des forces spéciales.

Nous sommes au 5e jour de l’intervention. Pour un pays environ de la dimension de la France. L’OTAN a pris 11 semaines pour bombarder la Yougoslavie. La campagne aérienne durant la Guerre du Golfe, meneée par une coalition de 35 pays, a duré du 17 Janvier au 24 Février 1991, soit environ un mois. Donc, les russes mènent très bien leurs opérations après 5 jours. Malgré les faits héroïques de l’Armée Ukrainienne, elle ne pourra gagner la guerre cette offensive éclaire.

Il faut se méfier des analyses complexées des européens qui cherchent toujours à rabaisser les russes. Les américains sont plus pragmatiques sur ce point. C’est pourquoi ils ont invité le Président de l’Ukraine à l'exfiltrer du pays.

Ce matin, j’ai lu dans la presse que le Président Emmanuel Macron a parlé 1 heure 30 à Vladimir Poutine lui demandant d’épargner la vie des civiles. Cela signifie que l'Europe n’a plus d’option pour l’arrêter. Kiev risque de finir comme Grozny, la capitale de Chechenie détruite par l’armée dans les années 90s.

Moi, j’attends la suite qui signifiera une nouvelle guerre froide, avec un nouveau rideau de fer; la fin du monde unipolaire avec trois (3) nouveaux blocs Atlantique, EurAsie et Asie mineure; fin de la “globalisation dangereuse” qui permettrait de valoriser la contribution politique des petits pays comme Haïti, allié des États-Unis; ce qui mettra fin à la liberté d’action déstabilisante de la France en Haïti. Notre soutien à la diplomatie américaine en faveur de Taïwan aura plus de valeur aux yeux de Washington.

Dans ce contexte de reconfiguration de zones d’influence géopolitique, attendez-vous à une intervention américaine au Venezuela contre Nicolas Maduro.

#DonaldTRUMP avait raison! 

Il avait recommandé "de ne pas isoler ni diaboliser la Russie! 

Il fallait mettre Poutine en confiance et l’intégrer au G7.” Utiliser un modèle politique ou de vie pour humilier et rabaisser l’autre, c’est une erreur. 

Mon problème avec TRUMP c’est le fait d’avoir qualifié mon pays Haïti de #ShiteholeCountry. Mais, sur ce point, il avait raison. 

Les Atlantistes sont dangereux et fous. Ils vont continuer à emmerder les gens jusqu’à provoquer de nouvelles guerres. D’ailleurs, ils n’ont pas expliqué pourquoi Poutine qui sollicitait son adhésion à l’OTAN peut-il devenir l’ennemi de l’OTAN? 

Plus, ils parlent de sanctions, plus ils font preuve d’arrogance et placent le monde au bord d’une guerre nucléaire. 

Aujourd’hui, l'Allemagne, qui a provoqué deux 2 guerres mondiales, augmente son budget de défense. Pour le faire, elle utilise l’agression Russe, ce pays qui a toujours fait échec à ses folies aériennes au prix de dizaines de millions de vies. Donc, en termes de temps long, la France en est sortie perdante. Car, sa rivale historique trouve un bon prétexte pour se réarmer. 

Bravo les gars!!! Vive l’Europe à jamais unie!!!

Cyrus Sibert, reseaucitadelle@yahoo.fr
#LeReCit @reseaucitadelle

dimanche 16 janvier 2022

Haiti : "Accord 11 Septembre", "Accord El Rancho", l'obsession d'une démocratie sans élections ou la stratégie de blocage des revendications populaires de changement.-


Après six (6) mois de réflexion et de négociations, l'opposition radicale qui a préparé l'opinion à l'assassinat du Président Jovenel Moïse propose un Conseil de cinq (5) Présidents pour diriger Haïti. Quant à ceux qui ont fait main basse sur le pouvoir d'Etat à travers un gouvernement lié aux assassins du Chef de l'Etat, ils sont tellement désorientés qu'ils ont
décidé de s'offrir un week-end de retraite gouvernementale sur la plage, au bord de la mer en vue de réfléchir sur les décisions à adopter. Décidément, ces élites traditionnelles ne savent pas quoi faire avec le pays.

En ce début de janvier 2022, les Etats-Unis viennent de publier un “Travel Warning” demandant à leurs citoyens de ne pas voyager en Haïti à cause du COVID-19. Donc, en six (6) mois, Haïti est passé d’un gouvernement qui savait ce qu’il voulait, à un gouvernement qui ne sait pas ce qu’il doit faire. Aussi, notre pays est-il passé de “modèle à suivre” sur la scène internationale, en matière de gestion du COVID-19 sous le leadership du Président Jovenel Moïse, à un échec à éviter.

Certes, les supporters du pouvoir de facto nous diront, “mais la situation est plus apaisée ces jours-ci en Haïti". Alors, allons nous remettre le pouvoir politique partout dans le monde à des agitateurs, à des extrémistes violents, à des terroristes, pour qu’ils se calment, même quand ils ne savent pas quoi faire avec ?

Le Premier Ministre de facto Ariel Henry, accusé dans l’assassinat du président Jovenel, a passé tout le mois de décembre 2021 à organiser des cérémonies de “vœux de noël et de fin d’année” ; au début du mois de Janvier 2022, il est occupé à recevoir des Prix “Honneur et mérite” de la part des Unités de la Force Publique, politisant ainsi la sécurité rapprochée des représentants de l’Etat. Il s'amuse à organiser des événements qui justifient des décaissements. C'est tout !

Ce qui se passe aujourd’hui en Haïti rappelle ce qu’on a vécu en 1986 et en 2004. Une élite critique, subversive, appuyée par la France qui par ses couloirs diplomatiques paralyse la diplomatie Américaine, ce qui lui donne le temps d’assurer la survie du système néocolonial raciste, d'apartheid économique d’extraction des ressources et d’exclusion de la majorité nationale noire qu’elle a mis en place dans son propre pays face à son impossibilité d'y rétablir l'esclavage. Pour cela, cette élite utilise des monstruosités.

En 1986, après le départ de Jean-Claude Duvalier, alors que la République Dominicaine et tous les autres pays de l'Amérique latine s’activaient à démocratiser leur système présidentiel, la France a permis à cette élite francophile "répugnante" d’imposer à Haïti un système monstrueux, une fabrication hybride qui n’existe dans aucun livre de Science politique ni de Droit Constitutionnel, à savoir

- un Parlement tout puissant qu'on ne pas dissoudre,

- un Premier Ministre tout puissant, une Constitution dans laquelle ils ont introduit l’article 192 excluant une frange de la population du jeu politique,

- un Président Mineur et des parlementaires couverts par l'immunité qui deviennent les principaux acteurs du délit de trafic d’influence, de gabegie administrative, de chantage et de corruption.

En 2004, alors que les couches populaires, spécifiquement les jeunes, attendaient le "Nouveau Contrat Social" promis par ces élites politiques et de la société civile qui s'activaient à déstabiliser le président Jean-Bertrand Aristide, les classes dirigeantes ont préféré se battre pour des franchises douanières, des contrats sans appel d'offres, des pots de vin….

En 1986, le chef de file des oligarques était Madame Gladys Lauture qui imposait ses quatre volontés. A cette époque, les membres de cette oligarchie corrompue, rétrograde, épicurienne, hédoniste et nihiliste agissaient habilement pour détourner le mouvement populaire basé sur les revendications de “Justice, transparence et de participation”. Ils en ont profité pour défendre le système néo-colonial français en Haïti. De fait, le système néo-féodal monopoliste d’extraction est resté intact.

C’est toujours le même scénario. Une période de transition pour permettre à la clientèle néocoloniale de la France de se refaire une économie, d’assurer la continuité du système d’extraction des ressources économiques et financières mis en place depuis 1820, durant la présidence de Jean-Pierre Boyer.

A ceux qui croient que la méchanceté des colonialistes français contre Haïti est une histoire ancienne, nous rappelons que ce n’est qu’en 1983, le président François Mitterrand a décidé de ne plus recevoir l'argent odieux que devait verser Haïti comme dette de l'indépendance. C’est-à-dire, durant tout le 20ème siècle, jusqu’en 1986, nous avons dû payer pour l’absence des esclaves qui n'étaient pas dans les champs parce qu'ils avaient pris leur liberté le 1er Janvier 1804.

Aussi, disons-nous, le comportement récent du peuple haïtien suite à la montée du prix du carburant prouve que la violence et les destructions qu'ont connues Haïti autour de ce sujet étaient l’œuvre d'agitateurs de l’opposition politique radicale, monnayée par l’oligarchie corrompue qui tient le pays en otage ; cette même oligarchie qui aujourd’hui utilise la violence des gangs qu’elle a financés et armés, comme un argument justifiant leur refus d'organiser des élections générales en Haïti.

Mais, l’opinion publique internationale sait très bien que c’est faux. Car, on a pu organiser des élections en Irak, en Afghanistan, en Libye, au Liban, dans les Balkans, dans les zones de non-droit d'Amérique latine où des gangs défient l’Etat. D'ailleurs, la Mission de l'ONU MINUSTAH a organisé plusieurs élections en Haïti, malgré la présence des gangs. Il existe toute une expertise sur les stratégies à suivre en telles circonstances. Lisez le livre "Maîtriser la violence" du Général Loup Francart, Éd. Economica, 2002.



Ce que veulent les oligarques corrompus d'Haïti, c'est une démocratie sans vote populaire, une démocratie contrôlée, démassifiée, à l'instar des régimes autoritaires, anti-démocratiques et répressifs que les Etats-Unis maintiennent sous sanctions internationales ; une forme d'apartheid politique protégé par des gangs qui terrorisent la population et assassinent des élus récalcitrants. Tel est le projet politique que les oligarques d'Haïti qui étouffent le peuple, l'empêchant de vivre dans son pays, proposent à l'administration américaine du Président Joe Biden de cautionner.

Il est temps de mettre un terme à ce jeu cynique et macabre. Et, la solution est simple : Il suffit de mettre en place un régime de sanctions contre tous les acteurs de la vie sociale et politique en Haïti qui refusent de respecter le jeu démocratique.

Car, si la guerre des Etats-Unis contre l’Espagne a affranchi la Caraïbe et l'Amérique latine de l’influence des anciennes métropoles colonialistes européennes, en Haïti, la France profite du manque d'intérêt des Etats-Unis pour refaire surface et défendre son système néocolonial. Ses agents provocateurs et agitateurs manipulent les élites et imposent au pays une subversion permanente et continue en vue d'affaiblir l'Etat. A chaque fois que le peuple haïtien se crée une opportunité de changement, la France obtient des Etats-Unis un temps de répit appelé transition qui permet à ses hommes - souvent des haïtiens écervelés - de réparer les brèches.

La solution passe par la destruction totale du pilier du système d'extraction néocoloniale qu’est le monopole économique. Les patriotes progressistes doivent faire front commun contre cette cible dont la destruction provoquera l’effondrement du système qui détruit Haïti et ouvrira les portes à l'intégration des centaines de milliers d'haïtiens -- anglophones de USA/Canada, hispanophones et lusophones de l'Amérique latine -- de la diaspora qui rentreront en compétition directe avec cette oligarchie rétrograde et arriérée qui maintient notre pays dans la pauvreté et le sous-développement.

Comme le dit clairement Alvin Toffler à la page 294 de son livre "Les Nouveaux Pouvoirs” (Powershift) « Tout système exige une certaine adéquation entre la manière dont un peuple produit de la richesse et celle dont il se gouverne. Si le système politique est en trop forte discordance avec le système économique, l’un des deux finira par détruire l’autre.»

L'auteur démontre l’incompatibilité entre un système économique rétrograde et le système moderne qu’est la démocratie. En Haïti, l’international représenté par la Mission de l'ONU @BINUH_UN et le club pervers dénommé #CoreGroup prétend supporter un système démocratique sans changer l’économie monopoliste et néo-féodale basée sur la rente donc incapable de créer de la croissance ni le plein emploi.

C’est impossible !

« Si le système politique est en trop forte discordance avec le système économique, l’un des deux finira par détruire l’autre. » nous dit Alvin Toffler.

Donc, pas de nouveau système politique, sans un nouveau système économique. Pour passer de la dictature à la démocratie, il faut passer d’une économie monopoliste d’exclusion à une économie participative inclusive, de libre concurrence.

En ce sens, l’instabilité en Haïti est fondamentalement causée par la résistance du statu quo économique que l’international fait semblant d’ignorer au point de le protéger, tout en nous parlant de "démocratie en Haïti".

Détruisons le système de monopole ! Telle est la cible de la guerre totale pour le changement en Haïti. L'insécurité et les gangs ne sont que des épiphénomènes souvent instrumentalisés par les professionnels de la subversion et/ou par ceux qui cherchent à provoquer une transition longue en vue d'exercer le pouvoir sans passer par des élections libres et démocratiques.


 Cyrus Sibert,

#LeReCit @reseaucitadelle

reseaucitadelle@yahoo.fr

16 Janvier 2021

WhatsApp : + 509 3686 9669

samedi 25 décembre 2021

What It Means to See Jesus.-

A new book, at once skeptical and devotional, considers visions of Christ from the early days of Christianity to the present.


By Casey Cep
December 24, 2021

A young man once told me that he had seen the face of Jesus in the trunk of a chestnut tree, the bark moving as if it were flesh. An older woman told me that Christ had appeared to her in the afternoon light that poured through her hospital window. A father who was dying of lung cancer confided that he had looked up at a crucifix years ago in a church and watched as the body hanging there writhed and wriggled, coming alive before his eyes; it had been so terrifying that he had never previously told anyone.

I cherish such stories, and collect them the way others do rare works of art or first editions or vintage cars. Even secondhand stories will do, which is why I took so much pleasure from Robert Hudson’s “Seeing Jesus: Visionary Encounters from the First Century to the Present.” Images of Jesus are all around us, but Hudson’s book is about people who claim to have really seen Jesus, the way the disciples did in the days and years after his death—crucifixion wounds fresh, descending and ascending from heaven onto hilltops, blinding rays of lights all about him: the sort of psychologically upending seeing we do in our lives from time to time, as when we see our ex-husband and go ashen, or see our future wife and blush.

Hudson’s book is organized according to two taxonomies: types of seers (disciples, ascetics, mystics, trailblazers, and moderns) and types of seeing (appearances, apparitions, and visions). The first of these taxonomies is essentially a chronology, which starts with those who saw Christ shortly after his death and ends with contemporary seers. It’s less useful than the second taxonomy, which is borrowed from mystical studies and offers a way of organizing these kinds of sightings. What Hudson calls appearances are communal visions, with more than one person seeing the same image of Jesus at the same time; apparitions are when Jesus seems to be present in the physical world, as though anyone can see him, yet only the visionary actually does so; with visions, the visionary alone can see Jesus, and is fully aware that no one else can.

Hudson begins with early witnesses, those who saw the risen Christ in the years immediately following his resurrection: the apostle Thomas, who touched his crucifixion wounds; the disciples who met him while travelling, first Cleopas on the way to Emmaus and then Paul on the way to Damascus; and John of Patmos, whose apocalyptic writings appear in the Book of Revelation. These are all canonical accounts, familiar to anyone who has even cursorily read the New Testament. But Hudson follows them with accounts of slightly more obscure ascetics, such as Anthony of Egypt, one of the so-called Desert Fathers, whose monastic life included visions of Christ as light that banished the beasts and demons said to torment him; Martin of Tours, who went on to become the patron saint of conscientious objectors after dreaming of Jesus and leaving the Roman army in order to become a monk; and Jerome, whose life as a scholar was altered by a vision of Christ, after which he renounced secular literature.

The section on mystics centers on four fascinating figures, the most familiar of which is Francis of Assisi. The other three are women, known today for their drawings, music, and writing: Hildegard of Bingen, Julian of Norwich, and Margery Kempe. Here, Hudson more directly confronts the academic literature on visionary experiences, including the straightforwardly physiological explanations offered by some scholars. Oliver Sacks, for instance, in his account of Hildegard, describes the ecstatic, multisensory visions that she had of lights, stars, blazing fires, and human figures as “a shower of phosphenes in transit across the visual field, their passage being succeeded by a negative scotoma.” In layman’s terms, she suffered from migraines.

In addition to medical accounts, psychological explanations for such visions abound. Many of these explanations cite pareidolia, the tendency to impose meaning where there isn’t any—often by seeing faces in inanimate objects, such as a man in the moon. In this vein, and in the last few decades alone, Jesus has appeared in, among other things, apples, ice cream, grilled cheese, pancakes, potato chips, pizza, pierogis, pita bread, pretzels, fish sticks, Cheetos, and, perhaps most famously, a tortilla.

Hudson doesn’t bother with many of these culinary sightings, but he does convey the eagerness of Christians across the centuries for encounters with Jesus. And he has a knack for unearthing facts that animate the distant past—for example, the highest-earning athlete in world history likely isn’t Michael Jordan or Tiger Woods but Gaius Appuleius Diocles, a second-century Roman charioteer. Said fact is produced in service of an introduction to the hermits, anchorites, and stylites whose paradoxical celebrity attests to the fascination that the Christian world had for asceticism beginning in the fourth century.

The best chapters of “Seeing Jesus” are close considerations of single visionaries and close readings of the direct testimonies that they left behind, such as the four devoted to his quartet of medieval mystics—or the one focussed on John of Patmos, which is titled “Voom!” and begins, curiously enough, with a lesson on hermeneutics centered on “The Cat in the Hat.” Those stand in contrast to more hurried chapters, including one that contains a cursory account of Sojourner Truth’s visions, padded by boilerplate biography and stock political commentary, and another that, like a spiritual clown car, packs the lives of Emanuel Swedenborg, Jacob Boehme, George Fox, Mother Ann Lee, Public Universal Friend, Ignatius of Loyola, Teresa of Ávila, and John of the Cross into a dozen and a half pages.

“Seeing Jesus” is more devotional than analytical. Hudson calls it an “anecdotal history,” one that will “take each story of seeing Jesus at face value, neither believing nor disbelieving and claiming no more for them than the person claimed for himself or herself.” The book, with its study-group-like prose, will strike some secular readers as too credulous and some devout readers as too incredulous; it lacks the revelatory strangeness of something like “Visions and Appearances of Jesus,” the philosopher Phillip H. Wiebe’s clinical account of twenty-eight contemporary “encounter experiences.”

For more than thirty years, Hudson edited books for Zondervan, one of the Christian publishing divisions of HarperCollins, and “Seeing Jesus” is published by Broadleaf Books, an imprint owned by the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America. Other denominations have publishing divisions, too; Zondervan, which publishes some three hundred books and Bibles every year, was started by two nephews of William B. Eerdmans, whose own independent Christian publishing company still exists. It is not always obvious from the best-seller lists that run in the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal, but Christian publishing is a billion-dollar business, with Zondervan selling some thirty million copies each of such titles as Hal Lindsey and Carole Carlson’s “The Late Great Planet Earth” and Rick Warren’s “The Purpose Driven Life.”

Hudson’s reluctance to legitimatize any or all of the visions that he has chosen to include is curious in a book with a markedly faithful tone, published by a religious press. He notes his own Christian faith, and confesses to yearning for a vision of Christ, yet he is skeptical of all such visions. He begins his book with a memory from childhood of a chalk artist—if not Esther Frye, then someone like her—who went around giving “chalk talks,” in which she used a handful of colors to draw and narrate stories from scripture on a chalkboard while also sharing her own testimony. As a young woman, the artist said, she had once prayed while looking at the trees in her back yard, only to have Christ’s face appear before her, blinding her to anything but his features, then hovering smaller and smaller in her field of vision for months after he’d first appeared. “I was gripped by her presentation but cautious,” Hudson remembers, “and the fact is, I didn’t believe her. And may God forgive me, I still don’t.”

Skepticism may well be the prudent response to such a presentation or any other visionary claim, but it sometimes makes “Seeing Jesus” a little tepid. Hudson seldom outright endorses and never outright debunks any of the visionaries in his book, even when his own characterizations of them seem to demand it, as with his description of the extravagant life style and scurrilous fund-raising tactics of televangelist Oral Roberts. Still, at its core, “Seeing Jesus” does have a theological conviction that may intrigue the doubters—and assuage the devout, since it comes directly from Christ. As Hudson writes in his epilogue, “Centuries of Christian thinkers—most of whom were not mystics—have told us that we see the face of Jesus every day, walking the streets of every city, in the face of every person.” He quotes Nicholas of Cusa, who wrote: “In all faces is seen the Face of faces, veiled, and in a riddle.” The riddle is the judgment that Jesus shares in the Gospel of Matthew, when he says that on Judgment Day the righteous will be separated from the unrighteous, as a shepherd separates the sheep from the goats. They will be judged, Jesus says, according to how they treated the least of their brethren, for, as the German theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer later explicated, “he comes in the form of the beggar, of the dissolute human child in ragged clothes, asking for help. He confronts you in every person that you meet. As long as there are people, Christ will walk the earth as your neighbor, as the one through whom God calls you, speaks to you, makes demands on you.”

Most Christians understand this to mean that if they were to see Jesus, he would not look like the man in Warner Sallman’s famous painting or the seated figure in Leonardo da Vinci’s “The Last Supper.” The visions of Jesus that Christians are explicitly told to look for are not supernatural or spectral but humble and human: we are commanded to look for Christ in the faces of one another. Even if Hudson isn’t sure what to make of all the visions in his book, he believes this, too, and ends “Seeing Jesus” with a story from the pandemic, when he meets a panhandler outside a café and cannot help but want to help him, partly because he has been thinking so much about what it means to see Christ.

After handing over a twenty dollar bill, Hudson asks the man his name: Josh, he says as he walks away—the Anglicized form of Yeshua, the Hebrew name of Jesus. “The skeptic in me says, ‘How’d you know it was him?’ ” Hudson writes, in the last lines of the book. “The mystic in me says, ‘How do you know it wasn’t?’ ”

lundi 13 décembre 2021

Children and the pandemic of COVID-19 in Haiti.- By MIC, (Media Institute of the Caribbean).

Haitian children with Debbie Harvey at the “Helping Haitian Angels” home for orphans.

Photo Courtesy: www.helpinghaitianangels.org

Haiti’s relatively tardy response to the COVID-19 pandemic has witnessed a stop-start and slow uptake of vaccines – under 1% of the population so far – low levels of testing nationwide and a general view that the country has escaped the worst effects of the pandemic.

 A December 2 report by the Ministry of Public Health and Population notes 25,638 confirmed infections, including 60 new cases with 750 deaths since record-keeping on the pandemic began.

 As at that date, 144,563 people were tested, 4,763 hospitalised and 21,746 patients recovered. Those most heavily affected by the virus were patients between the ages of 40 and 80+ with a near equal distribution of cases between men 52.6% and women 47.5%. The country’s case mortality rate has been recorded at 2.93%.

  Through it all, there is a general view that children have not been severely affected by the disease with nine deaths between January 31, 2020, and December 2, 2021. Children between the ages of 0 and 9 account for 564 cases and 13 deaths – 2.30% of all deaths. Among the 10 to 19 age group, there have been 1,098 infections with 9 deaths – or 0.82% of total fatalities.

 Childcare experts almost all agree that the epidemic has had little impact on the behaviour of children particularly since, nationally, the virus is being viewed as largely a concern related to other countries, affecting Haiti mainly through international travel.

 There has correspondingly been little to note regarding changes in crimes against children. For example, when asked about the effect of the coronavirus on cases of rape or incest observed in certain areas of Haiti, Police Commissioner Eddit Techler Sylvain responded that the presence of the virus has not been “scary” in Haiti.

“The corona is not scary in Haiti,” he said. “In the Haitian mentality people believe that Corona does not exist.”

 “At the start of 2020, at the beginning of the epidemic, there was a psychosis of fear linked to conflicting information and the media coverage of what was happening in Europe and the United States,” he said.

 “(At that time) the confinement decreed by the government created a tendency to panic without any factual justification on the ground,” Sylvain said. “Churches operated in private homes, schools were forced to suspend by order of the Ministry of National Education, but not because there was a problem.”

 He was also dismissive of any links between pandemic measures and changes in criminal behaviour, including acts of violence by and against children.

 “Apart from the economic consequences on certain sectors dependent on international trade, one cannot link social behaviour or deviance to the impact of the corona in Haiti,” the Police Commissioner said. “Only at the beginning was there a sort of panic over the media coverage of confusing and unclear information.”

 

Cyrus Sibert interviews Police Commissioner Eddit Sylvain and teacher Elvire Eugene. 

Attempts are however being made to safeguard the interests of children within the education system. The Ministry of National Education and Vocational Training (MENFP) has set up several distance education programmes. 

 This was achieved through the Global Coalition for Education, launched by UNESCO with the support of several states to develop the best solutions for distance education for children and young students most at risk. 

 Benefactors have included the World Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank and UNICEF.

 Most of it is conducted via a platform called PR@TIC which has been operational since April 24, 2020. It can be accessed free of charge via the MENFP's website or at the following address: http://pratic.menpf.gouv.ht/app/.

 However, given a high level of poverty, limited access to electricity is scarce, and the unavailability of online devices, only a limited number of economically enabled households have been able to access the service.

 There are also plans to develop broadcasting portals on radio and television to deliver distance education making use of the National Television of Haiti (TNH) and other private channels as well as radio stations in the capital and in the departments, through community radios. 

 The learning content will also be available on USB media in the relevant departments and technical directions for students.

 WhatsApp messaging has also long been employed as a way of keeping teachers in contact with students. The practice emerged in 2018 during disturbances. The platform was also deployed during several pandemic lockdown phases.

There however continue to be concerns directed at the very young. Elvire Eugene, Director of the “Institution Saint Enfant Jesus”, a school for children aged 3 to 6, has observed a disturbing level of complacency and a lack of awareness of the seriousness of the pandemic by both children and their parents.

 “Children take the coronavirus for a game,” she said. “Even when they are taught to put on a mask, they have difficulty in applying it on the face. A lot of times they put it under their chin saying they can't breathe.”

The educator has however noted an improvement in the way children wear masks - largely due to the awareness and education efforts of their parents. At school, she uses an audio cassette to repeat the instructions for wearing a mask.

 Eugene however noted that the most difficult measure is respecting social distancing protocols. She said that after each reminder, the children distance themselves from their classmates. But it only takes a few minutes for them to forget the instructions and start playing together, without any precaution.

 “Social distancing greatly affects young children. When they fail, they tend to regroup. They say it clearly, it saddens them not to be able to play with their school friends. It is painful for them to see their comrade and not be able to touch him,” she said.

 She goes on to say that since teachers have observed a tendency in children to wear their fingers and pencil in their mouths, she has demanded regular hand washing.

 At Institution Saint Enfant Jesus, there have been no reported cases of infection, though there have been situations where children have displayed some symptoms - fever, cough or flu-like symptoms. On such occasions, the children stay at home for two or three days before returning to class.

 Since Haiti is a country where these kinds of respiratory infections or fevers are common, and there has not been little specific testing, Eugene said she cannot consider these instances to be cases of coronavirus.

Ms Eugene also noted that the pandemic has had little or no impact on school performance. The level of stress observed in some children, she said, is rather due to the violence linked to the current political crisis and issues such as the shortage of fuel and the high cost of living.

 “Political tensions and the shortage of fuel have a greater impact on children than COVID-19.” she added.

This situation has been a source of great concern by teachers. Eugene noted one heart-breaking instance when a child told her that “with all these difficulties in life, the ups and downs of coming to school for lack of fuel, the high cost of living, the inability to buy enough to eat with 50 gourdes, God better take his life.”

She herself is less fearful of the death of children from the virus than because of political tension and dysfunctional state governance.

 “The children followed their parents’ advice and the instructions of their school as best they could, without really believing that corona represents a danger to their life,” she concluded.

 Orphaned children also confront similar challenges, including effective denial by parents, teachers and other adults of the threat COVID-19 poses. Debbie Harvey of “Helping Haitian Angels” says there is a view, even among the children, that the virus is “a problem of Americans.”

 Those in charge of the orphanage had to apply strict instructions in terms of social distance, hand washing, wearing of masks, quarantine for people with symptoms, temperature control, confinement, suspension in the event of suspicion of a symptomatic person.

Harvey insisted that when you take the time to educate children and explain a situation in detail, they respond better and cooperate effectively.

Even adults, teachers, and members of the community where the orphanage is located were sceptical of COVID-19 and refused to treat it as a real danger. “They kept saying, there is no COVID-19 in Haiti. It’s the disease of whites and those who travel to their country,” Harvey said.

The orphanage had to spend a lot in terms of time and resources, organising special classes to make everyone understand that this is a situation to be taken seriously.

Returning from the United States with a negative test, the teacher tested positive after a stay in Haiti. Which means, she contracted it in her work environment.

 Harvey observed a flu epidemic among children at an unusual time of year and decided to keep her case a secret for fear of being attacked by some members of the community who could accuse her of introducing this “white man's disease” into Haiti. Before quarantining herself in a hotel, she observed a large number of people with breathing difficulties and pain in the joints of the feet.

 Fortunately, no deaths have been recorded at this orphanage. People who were coughing had not been tested by the Ministry of Public Health. Sometimes she had to close the centre for a while.

 Her orphanage, which is among the three certified centres in the North of the country, is yet to receive specific COVID-19 visits or assistance from Haitian authorities.

 Haitians meanwhile remain largely unaware of the dangers of COVID-19. “Because everyone was repeating “virus, virus” “corona, corona” it caused anxiety in some children who at this time were extremely concerned with the lives of some American supporters who had visited the orphanage,” Harvey said.

 She is however convinced that “if you explain to the children what this is about, they can understand, not panic and cope better.”

 Harvey adds that among the more serious impacts of the virus is a periodic decline in attendance. She fears it may take a long time to see many of them return to school.

 She notes what she describes as “a trivialisation of death” among some children who continue to describe it as “an American issue.”

 Harvey however thinks that abandoned or orphaned children with latent trauma problems are very sensitive to the stress that the pandemic can cause – a phenomenon they do not quite believe exists, but which continues to impose itself on the population.


 Correspondent Cyrus Sibert interviews Debbie Harvey

Meanwhile, international agencies active in Haiti, such as the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) in Haiti confirm the low incidence of child fatalities from COVID-19 but note the worsening socio-economic conditions to which they are exposed.

 Jean Stenio Pierre, who head’s UNICEF’s office in the south of the country says while “children are not most at risk of losing their lives (from) COVID-19 … they no longer have access to the rights to education and development, as stated in the Convention on the Rights of the child (CDE).”

 “Children can no longer go to school nor play with their friends. Because of the coronavirus, they are forced to stay at home. They no longer have access to their playgrounds, their classrooms, or their friends,” he said.

 A July 9 report entitled “Haiti: Violence and pandemic leave one in three children in need of humanitarian assistance” UNICEF said it was alarmed by the dire humanitarian situation of children and families in Haiti, which has been rapidly deteriorating since the beginning of this year.

 “In the first three months of 2021 alone, the number of admissions of severely acute malnourished children in health facilities across Haiti has increased by 26 per cent compared to last year,” the report notes. “Nearly one-third of all children in Haiti -at least 1.5 million - are in urgent need of emergency relief due to the rising violence, constrained access to clean water, health and nutrition, disrupted education and protection services in times of COVID-19, as well as hurricanes.”

A recent report published by the US-headquartered Global Center for the Development of the Whole Child also notes these serious concerns. Dr Kathryn Adams, a specialist in the psychology of education is quoted in the report as saying that despite the country’s history of challenges.

 “Although Haiti … is no stranger to crisis,” she says. “The COVID-19 pandemic is different from the rest.”

 “The absence of normative, visible markers of crisis, such as casualties, burning tires, blocked roads, and material damage is causing Haitians, particularly children, to question why schools are closed and to feel hopeless about the future.

 This is a key outcome of the pandemic that threatens to upstage its impacts long after the threat of the virus recedes.

https://www.mediainstituteofthecaribbean.com/covid-relief-monitoring-hub